A Muslim by any other name

Abstract

A crisis is emerging in the Nile Basin, where some 300 million people in Egypt, Sudan, Ethiopia, Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Kenya, Tanzania and Burundi rely on the Nile directly or indirectly. Egypt and Sudan wish to preserve a regime based on treaties drawn up during the colonial era that allocated the vast majority of the Nile's water to them. Countries upstream are determined to challenge this. In 1999 the countries using the river formed the Nile Basin Initiative to try to resolve these differences. More than a decade of negotiations failed to break the impasse. In May Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda decided to wait no longer and signed a new treaty, without the consent of Egypt and Sudan. The signatories have given the other Nile Basin countries one year to join the pact. For Egypt, which relies on the Nile for 95 per cent of its water, this is a question of life or death. Egypt has, in the past, indicated it will go to war if its share of the Nile is reduced. Talks continue, but the impasse is driving the region towards a crisis to which there is no easy resolution.     

A ‘transparent gold’ rush?

Abstract

The signing of a new treaty on the equitable sharing of the Nile waters – signed last May in Kampala by Rwanda, Ethiopia, Uganda and Tanzania – has the potential of derailing relations with Sudan and Egypt. According to the latter countries, this new agreement replaces the 1959 Nile agreement – that awarded them with 90 per cent control over the Nile water – giving other Nile Basin countries the possibility to implement water-related projects in agriculture and energy. This new development, according to Egypt and Sudan, places their water level security in jeopardy. Furthermore, the use of land grabs and water consumption for food security by wealthy foreign countries contributes to the sensitive situation the nine Nile Basin countries are now facing. Water is a red line when it comes to Egypt and Sudan and the future of the whole region depends on whether this line will be crossed.     

Experimental investigations on wear properties of Palm kernel reinforced composites for brake pad applications

The use of asbestos material is being avoided to manufacture the brake pads as it is harmful and toxic in nature. Further it leads to various health issues like asbestosis, mesothelioma and lung cancers. These brake pads can be replaced by natural fibers like Palm kernel (0–50%), Nile roses (0–15%) and Wheat (0–10%) with additives like aluminum oxide (5%–20%) and graphite powder (10%–35%). Phenolic resin of 35% is utilized as a binder. Particulated Nile roses are used to increase the friction coefficient and wheat powder is used to reduce the wear rate. Aluminum oxide and graphite are abrasive in nature. This helps to make brake pads with high friction co-efficient and less wear rate with low noise pollution. The wear of the proposed composites have been investigated at different speeds. Various tests like wear on pin-on-disc apparatus, hardness on the Rockwell hardness apparatus and oil absorption test have been conducted. Phenolic resin produces good bonding nature to fiber. Thus, Fibers found to have performed palatably among all commercial brake pads. The objective of the research indicates that Palm kernal shell could be a conceivable alternative for asbestos in friction coating materials.     

Rational Rose在HLA联邦开发中的应用

作为“建模与仿真”(M&S)的高层体系结构 ,HLA能带给用户的好处将是巨大的。HLA联邦开发与运行过程 (FEDEP)的自动化是促进HLA应用的关键。文中研究了将功能强大的CASE工具RationalRose用于支持FEDEP自动化的可行性 ,指出了应用中应特别注意的问题 ,重点说明了应用中的关键技术 ,并给出一应用实例     

Hydropolitics of the Nile: The case of Ethiopia and Egypt

This article analyses the political relationship between Ethiopia and Egypt. It aims to provide an analytical framework to unpack this complex relationship and assess the impacts that the Nile River has on the nature of this relationship. It further identifies geopolitical factors determining the impacts of the Nile River on frameworks of actions and political opportunity structures in which political actors operate. Accordingly, the different combinations of these determinants lead to the formation of political actors and ensuing actions that can fuel conflict, sustain the status quo or build peace. The article seeks to provide tentative answers to the following questions: what can be done or what mechanisms might be used to reduce the risk of conflict? What parties should participate and what will be their roles? And how can modern technology and science contribute to a possible solution?