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在非正交跳频扩展频谱多址通信系统中用作跳频图样的P~k进制序列族要求具有小的汉明互相关。文[1]中得到了给定长度和字母表大小的序列的异相自相关及互相关的下限,并构造了具有最佳汉明相关性能的序列族。本文中提出一种更一般的构造方法,文[1]的构造是它的一个特例。构造出的序列族具有最佳汉明相关性能,并且可部分解决Hop—and—Stay问题。 相似文献
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针对通信系统在传统接入控制上的一些缺点,提出了模糊神经网络接入控制方法。首先,简单介绍了通信系统的接入控制原理,指出了传统接入控制的缺点;其次,描述了模糊神经网络模型,并在此基础上对网络进行优化;最后,同传统的接入控制方法进行比较。 相似文献
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张鹏 《兵团教育学院学报》2012,(5):68-71,75
本文尝试基于教育传播学的视角重新审视技术的内涵,明确提出对技术的界定和分类———显性技术和隐性技术,深入阐述技术与教育技术的存在关系,并在此基础上提出只有正确看待技术,合理协调技术和客观评价技术才能有效引领人们对技术的理解以及对教育技术学专业定位的认识,进而提出对教育技术学科定位的再思考和再探讨,旨在促进这一学科的持续健康发展。 相似文献
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Colin Jennings 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(1):63-83
This paper reviews four economic theories of leadership selection in conflict settings. The ‘credibility rationale’, argues that hawks may actually be necessary to initiate peace agreements. The ‘bargaining rationale’ predicts that while doves are more likely to secure peace, post‐conflict hawks may be rationally selected. The ‘social psychological rationale’ captures the idea of a competition over which group can form the strongest identity. Dove selection can be predicted during conflict, but hawk selection post‐conflict. Finally, the ‘expressive rationale’ predicts that regardless of the underlying nature of the game the large group nature of decision‐making in rendering individual decision makers non‐decisive in determining the outcome of elections may cause them to make choices based primarily on emotions. Finally, the paper analyses the extent to which the theories can throw light on Northern Ireland electoral history over the last 25 years. 相似文献
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Mariana Budjeryn 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):203-237
ABSTRACTThere is a lingering disagreement among scholars on how the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) affects nonproliferation and disarmament outcomes. Drawing on constructivist scholarship on international norms, this article examines the extent of the NPT's effect in the case of Ukraine's nuclear disarmament. In the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, Ukraine found itself host to the world's third largest nuclear arsenal. Despite Ukraine's initial commitment to become a non-nuclear state, it proceeded along a difficult path toward NPT accession. Most controversial and directly at odds with the NPT was Ukraine's claim to ownership of its nuclear inheritance as a successor state of the Soviet Union. This article argues that, while much domestic discourse about the fate of these nuclear weapons was embedded in the negotiation of Ukraine's new identity as a sovereign state vis-à-vis Russia and the West, the NPT played an important, structural role by outlining a separate normative space for nuclear weapons and providing the grammar of denuclearization with which Ukraine's decision makers had to grapple. 相似文献
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Since the post-World War II genesis of nuclear deterrence, two presidential initiatives have been presented to deliver humanity from the threat of its failure. The first was the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), a constellation of space- and ground-based systems that President Ronald Reagan envisioned would render nuclear weapons “impotent and obsolete.” The second is President Barack Obama's roadmap to “a world without nuclear weapons,” commonly referred to as “Global Zero.” While these proposals appear to have little in common, deeper investigation reveals a number of provocative similarities in motivation and presentation. Moreover, both generated fierce debate, often with ideological overtones, about their strategic desirability and technical feasibility. We use these parallels, as well as prominent dissimilarities, to draw lessons from the SDI experience that can be applied to the debate over Global Zero. 相似文献
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针对多鱼雷协同导航存在的水声通信时滞问题,基于同步钟测距信息和时滞的通信信息,设计了状态无偏协方差一致最优准则下的估计滤波算法,可准确估算通信时滞下的测距新息方差,有效抑制通信时滞情况下鱼雷的位置误差增长,得到较精确的鱼雷位置信息。仿真结果证明,该算法在通信短时滞情况下可有效提高多鱼雷战术群的导航精度。 相似文献
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Eric Jardine 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(4):541-572
Highly fragmented insurgencies often lack explicit coordination mechanisms such as plans, direct means of communication, or hierarchical organization. Many such insurgencies nevertheless obtain a high degree of coordination that produces strategic-level effects. This article presents a theory of how coordination can emerge tacitly in highly fragmented insurgencies, and how this can produce strategic-level effects. Strategic effects emerge through a combination of complementary and supplementary tactical-level actions between commonly positioned insurgent groups. The theory is then tested again evidence from the Soviet–Afghan War. The evidence presented shows that some of the Mujahidin's strategic-level effectiveness was produced through tacit coordination. 相似文献
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Frank ‘Scott’ Douglas 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(3):391-420
Abstract This article answers three questions: What is the nature of the Long War? How is progress (or lack thereof) to be assessed? Where is it likely to go next? An appreciation of Clausewitz shows that practical centers of gravity exist for the Long War, and that the conflict pivots upon the ability to persuasively link ideology to events via a strategic narrative. A close examination of an illustrative case study, the interaction between the US and the late Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in Iraq 2004 – 2006, shows that Al Qaeda has suffered a severe setback, but also that the nature of the war is set to shift yet again. Further tangible progress for the US requires waging the Long War as a global counterinsurgency based on a strategy of ‘selective identification’ (versus pure ‘disaggregation’) as well as an understanding of how to more effectively craft a strategic narrative. 相似文献