The Trump effect downunder: U.S. allies,Australian strategic culture,and the politics of path dependence

Donald Trump’s election precipitated a debate in Australia about the value of retaining close alliance ties with the United States. Similar dynamics are discernible in other U.S. allies as the negative impact of Trump administration policies becomes clearer. Yet despite this “Trump effect,” we argue Australia is unlikely to distance itself from the United States because at the core of Australia’s strategic culture is a very positive “cultural orientation” toward the United States that is highly institutionalized in treaties, formal bilateral ties, Track 2 diplomacy, and public opinion. Such institutionalized ties have powerful path dependent effects. Accordingly, we conclude that the Trump effect does not constitute a powerful enough “exogenous shock” to move Australia off its well-worn grand-strategic path. But this alliance relationship is marked by both high cultural affinity and high institutionalization: American policy-makers should seriously consider whether other U.S. allies can tolerate similar levels of “stress.”     

美国在非洲维和的经验教训及其启示

开展维和行动是实现联合国宗旨和维护世界安全与稳定的重要手段。作为联合国安理会五大常任理事国之一,美国是联合国完成维和任务不可或缺的,甚至具有决定性作用的国家。冷战时期美国的非洲维和行动在争吵和小心翼翼中进行,冷战后美国的非洲维和战略经历了积极主动向有选择地介入转变的过程,当前美国的非洲维和行动则是在崇尚自主的前提下推广美国特色的维和,以期最大限度地彰显美国实力、维护美国核心利益。审视美国非洲维和战略的演变,汲取足够的经验教训,有利于更好地根据世情和国情定位中国未来的维和战略。     

The Freemasons' Sword of State Presented by Thomas, 8th Duke of Norfolk,to Mark His Year of Offi ce as 13th Grand Master of Grand Lodge, 1730, Signed 'Frater G. Moody,Fecit', now at Freemasons' Hall,London

Abstract

The Freemasons' Sword of State presented by Thomas, 8th Duke of Norfolk in 1730, a token made by the royal sword-cutler, freemason and swordbearer, George Moody, is described and illustrated. The sword's presentation is discussed, the gift is placed into its historical context, its iconography is assessed and the life of the manufacturer is examined. Two other relevant swords at Freemasons' Hall, London are also discussed.     

浅议国学大师钱基博论兵——以《德国兵家克劳山维兹兵法精义》为例

钱基博深受爱国思想家严复和爱国将领蔡锷的影响,在民族深陷灾难之时,钱基博写作了《德国兵家克劳山维兹兵法精义》。择其"精要"深入发挥,意在鼓舞士气,并非为了提供一部《战争论》译本。由于种种原因,《精义》只完成半部,但依旧可以充分领略传统知识分子的家国情怀。     

美国国防部网络安全众测的做法、成果及启示

网络安全众测是检测和发掘漏洞的新模式。美国国防部率先开展了政府级网络安全众测活动。研究分析美国网络国防部安全众测的主要做法，梳理总结其成果收益，探索给出我国发展网络安全众测的启示建议。     

Ordnance,B.L., 18-inch Howitzer,Mark I: The Last of the Super-Heavies

By 1914, the Victorian Railway Proof Carriage, the only one of its type surviving, had seen 28 years of service preparing numerous heavy gun barrels for naval armament in the defence of Empire. The 18-in. howitzer, completed after the First World War, was used to great effect with the carriage in the development of an effective concrete penetrating bomb for the RAF, a vital capability during the latter stages of the Second World War.     

The Hydrogen Bomb,Lewis L. Strauss and the Writing of Nuclear History

In January 1950 President Harry S. Truman announced that the United States would proceed with further work to determine the feasibility of a ‘Super’, or hydrogen, bomb. The events leading up to that decision – counter-pressures and advocacy from a number of quarters, including the divided Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), the nuclear scientists, Congress and the Pentagon – is well known. Less attention has been given to how the story of the Super came to be told in official and popular publications. Admiral Lewis L. Strauss, rogue member of the AEC, later presidential adviser on atomic affairs and AEC chairman, was one of the most vigorous advocates of developing thermonuclear weapons. He was also a highly skilled player of bureaucratic politics. This article draws upon the Strauss archives to examine how he used his position and his contacts to shape the history of the H-bomb to his own political advantage.