国外反卫星武器发展述评

从反卫星需求出发,对反卫星武器的定义、分类、优缺点、组成及其作战过程以及美、俄反卫星武器的发展现状进行了阐述,对重点研究的2种反卫星武器作了介绍。对反卫星武器发展特点及趋势作了分析。     

美国反卫星武器发展方向及启示

21世纪以来,美国调整了反卫星武器的发展政策,动能反卫星、微小卫星反卫星、激光反卫星成为其反卫星武器发展的主要方向,同时美国还注重利用电子对抗等软杀伤手段实施反卫星,并将依托航天技术发展更加先进的反卫星武器。为了抵御军事强国的空间挑衅,有效维护国家安全和战略利益,我国在反卫星武器发展方面应该加强顶层设计,加大经费投入,着力突破关键技术,争取早日形成攻防兼备、慑战一体的空间攻防体系。     

由美国“导弹打卫星”看其反卫星武器发展

2008年2月21日，美国上演了一场“导弹打卫星”大戏。美军之所以在全球反对空间军事化的时候上演这一幕戏，是有其战略思考和目的的。多年来，美国一直积极研制和发展反卫星武器，是目前世界上反卫星技术手段最先进的国家，拥有核、非核、动能和定向能等反卫星武器。由于对空间的依赖和利用越来越大，美国不断研制和开发新的反卫星武器，其发展建设具有许多特点和规律。基于对空间的依赖，美国不断加大在反卫星武器方面的投入，其发展呈现出多样化的趋势。     

一天打掉40颗卫星 美上世纪70年代反卫星武器计划曝光

2008年初，美国海军在导弹巡洋·舰上发射的一枚导弹，击落了一颗退役的美国侦察卫星。然而，值得注意的是，自进入太空时代50多年来，美国对发展反卫星武器的态度一直反复无常。华盛顿对反卫星武器的态度之所以会摇摆不定，主要是因为反卫星武器的效用当时还不甚明了。近期解密的一些文件进一步揭示了美国发展反卫星武器的情况。     

新概念武器对战略导弹突防能力的影响研究

积极发展新概念武器 ,推进实战化进程 ,是打破空间不对称战略的有效途径。本文分析了新概念武器的反卫星能力 ;建立了新概念武器对战略导弹突防能力支持的计算模型 ;最后就新概念武器对战略导弹突防能力评估的应用结果进行了分析。     

美俄地基激光反卫星武器发展

随着卫星在现代战争中的作用越来越大,反卫星武器也层出不穷.文章首先论述了地基激光反卫星武器定义及攻击方式,介绍了地基激光反卫星武器的特点,阐述了美俄地基激光反卫星武器的发展状况,最后指出了地基激光反卫星武器发展的相关问题.     

谁是真正的“卫星杀手？——几种反卫星武器优劣点评

21世纪，世界各国争夺“制天权”的斗争将更为激烈。像美国这样的超级大国为了谋求对外层空间的绝对控制，近年来—直在大力发展其反卫星武器系统，而中小航天弱国为了遏制大国控制空间、利用空间的能力，也会积极发展反卫星武器。在这样的大背景下，形形色色的反卫星武器如雨后春笋般出现在外层空间对抗的舞台上。     

激光武器如何打卫星

随着太空武器特别是卫星的发展,反卫星武器也层出不穷,特别是激光武器将成为太空卫星的神秘杀手。人们把光作为武器的想法,可上溯到远古时代。西方在中世纪就有古希腊科学家阿基米德用聚焦的日光点燃敌人战船的传说。1960年首台激光器在美国问世,为人们点燃了希望之光,自此人们就开始了对激光武器锲而不舍的追求。     

先睹为快：2020年的太空战

21纪20年代,由于灵敏的传感设备的发展,发射工具、航天运载工具和航．天拖航器等得到了充分改进,“轨道轰炸器”、反卫星卫星、“天雷”、动能武器和定向能武器等武器的研制成功和广泛应用于战场。M国和S国两个航天超级大国相继组建了各自强大的天军在太空中部署了太空舰队、太空港、空间站、航天飞机、军用卫星、机器人以及激光、粒子束、微波、电磁     

太空杀手——反卫星武器

在冷战时期,美国和苏联为核战略的需要都曾研制与试验了反卫星武器,但出于政治等因素的考虑又停止了试验和部署计划,只研究与发展有关的技术。近年来,随着国际形势的变化以及大国军事战略的改变,军用卫星在局部战争(特别是海湾战争)中的作用日益增强,这促使许多国家更加重视航天系统的发展与军事应用。预计到2000年将有30多个国家具有航天通信、遥感能力,能准确获取与传递战场上的情报。为了确保美国军事航天力量的绝对优势,反卫     

军事通信卫星及其下行链路性能研究

随着航天技术、数字通信技术、信息安全技术等的发展,一些军事大国恣意进行空间“武器化”,掌握“制天权”,对他国的安全构成严重的威胁。介绍了军事通信卫星及其优缺点,以及在现代战争中的应用,并对军事通信卫星的下行链路进行有效干扰的一些性能数据进行了分析和计算机仿真。     

Atomic intelligence in Norway during the Cold War

Thanks to its geographical location and close military ties to the US and Britain, Norway took substantial part in the Western intelligence effort against the Soviet nuclear weapons programme during the Cold War. Norway's relative proximity to the nuclear weapons test sites on Novaya Zemlya and the nuclear submarine bases on the Kola Peninsula was of particular importance in this regard. Whereas the tasks of surveying the development, deployment and possible employment of Soviet nuclear forces always had first priority, Western atomic intelligence conducted from Norwegian soil and waters was occasionally aimed even at gathering information about the geophysical and possible long-term medical and environmental implications of high-yield nuclear explosions in the atmosphere.     

星载激光告警与面目标激光告警组网技术

随着激光武器技术的迅速发展 ,美、俄两国多次进行激光反卫星试验 ,卫星面临的激光威胁已日趋严重 ,进行星载激光告警技术研究势在必行。保护面目标是激光对抗的一道难题 ,目前 ,国外正在研究基于现有激光告警技术 ,并结合软件处理技术的面目标激光告警组网技术。文章对星载激光告警和面目标激光告警组网技术作了分析。     

Country survey XVI the defence sector in the economy of a declining superpower: Soviet Union and Russia, 1965-2001

The Soviet Union was able to develop a large military-industrial complex and become the world's second superpower despite deficiencies in its centrally planned economy because defence was given high priority status and special planning, rationing and administrative mechanisms were used to attain national security objectives. However, in the period 1976-85 the effectiveness of priority protection diminished and defence institutions experienced more of the problems typical of the shortage economic system. The heavy defence burden also created growing difficulties for the civilian economy. The attempts by the Gorbachev government to reform the defence sector and improve defence-economic relationships during perestroika (1985-91) uniformly failed. For most of the transition period, the Russian military-industrial complex has been adversely affected by its low priority status, cuts in defence spending, instability of the hybrid politico-economic system, and negative growth of the economy. The armed forces and defence industry have been reduced in size and their outputs of military services and equipment have fallen to low levels. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still have over one million troops, significant stocks of sophisticated conventional weapons, and a large nuclear arsenal. The government of President Putin has raised the priority of the defence sector, increased real defence spending, and adopted ambitious plans to revive Russian military power. It is likely, though, that tight resource constraints will hamper efforts to reform the armed forces and to upgrade weapons. By 2010 Russia will be an important, but not dominant, military power in Eurasia.     

COURTING THE GLOBAL SOUTH WITH “DUAL-BENEFIT” NONPROLIFERATION ENGAGEMENT

President Barack Obama and an array of other Western leaders continue to assert that the spread of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) to non-state actors is one of most pressing challenges to global security today. Yet, Western efforts to engage governments—particularly governments across the global South—in a practical nonproliferation dialogue have largely yielded disappointing results. This viewpoint examines the need for a new strategy to engage the developing world in nonproliferation programs. It argues that strategies focused strictly on WMD nonproliferation are unsustainable, and ultimately are destined for failure. An alternative “dual-benefit” nonproliferation engagement strategy utilizes the enlightened self-interest of partner governments needed to achieve broad-based buy-in among all partners. In a concluding section, we recommend that the “Group of 8” Global Partnership Against the Spread of Weapons and Materials of Mass Destruction standardize this model of nonproliferation engagement as it sets out to identify and fund WMD nonproliferation capacity-building initiatives beyond the states of the former Soviet Union.     

NATO’s push into the Caucasus: geopolitical flashpoints and limits for expansion

The Caucasus has been a major flashpoint of contention between NATO and a resurgent Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The rivalry saw the escalation of hostility in the region during the brief 2008 Russo-Georgian War where a NATO-backed Georgia challenged South Ossetia supported by the Russian military. In 2011, NATO officially recognised Georgia as a potential member, challenging Russia’s traditional sphere of influence in the Caucasus. Moscow says the Eastward expansion of NATO into the Baltics and to include Georgia as a member state is a method of containing a resurgent Russia. However, the former Soviet Republics of Ukraine, the Baltics and Georgia, maintain that Russia represents a threat to their sovereignty, as seen by the Russian support of the breakaway unrecognised Republics of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. A hostile rivalry between the Russian-backed Armenia and Azerbaijan, which is reliant upon NATO-member Turkey, intensifies the polarisation in the Caucasus.     

Did Star Wars Help End the Cold War? Soviet Response to the SDI Program

The Strategic Defense Initiative was a U.S. missile defense program that played a very prominent role in the U.S.–Soviet relationships in the 1980s and is often credited with helping end the Cold War, as it presented the Soviet Union with a technological challenge that it could not meet. This article introduces several official Soviet documents to examine Soviet response to SDI. The evidence suggests that although the Soviet Union expressed serious concerns about U.S. missile defense program, SDI was not a decisive factor in advancing arms control negotiations. Instead, the program seriously complicated U.S.–Soviet arms control process. SDI also failed to dissuade the Soviet Union from investing in development of ballistic missiles. The Soviet Union quickly identified ways to avoid a technological arms race with the United States and focused on development of advanced missiles and anti-satellite systems to counter missile defenses. Some of these programs have been preserved to the current day.     

军用仿生技术发展趋势

仿生技术是武器装备发展的核心技术,已成为新概念武器装备发展及性能提升的常用方法,具有极其广阔的应用前景。文章针对仿生技术的发展历程、技术现状及其在军事装备发展中所发挥的作用进行阐述,分析了决定军事仿生技术发展的生物结构表征技术、仿生设计技术、生物制造技术与军事应用具体特点,以及军事仿生技术发展趋势。     

Pool it,share it,or lose it: an economical view on pooling and sharing of European military capabilities

In a general and economical view, this article analyzes methods and mechanisms for the pooling and sharing of military forces and weapons inside the European Union (EU) in times of scarcity. Pooling and sharing could improve the EU military capabilities significantly if differences in location factors were taken into account and all states would focus on their respective strengths. More competition and less concentration are the keys to ensuring guaranteed access to military assets. Pooling and sharing are likely to be successful only if large states enhance their emphasis on collective defense by mutual aid and self-help, and reduce particularistic and parochial interests of local gain. The realm of personnel has the most potential for improvement but any change is likely to generate policy implications.     

Encircled by enemies: Stalin's Perceptions of the capitalist world, 1918 – 1941

The article examines Stalin's intelligence on the capitalist world, including materials from military archives, diplomatic archives, and Stalin's private papers. It explores how these materials were collected, interpreted and shaped by Stalin's prejudices. It concludes that, from the end of the Civil War to the Nazi invasion, Stalin and the Soviet leadership believed that the Soviet Union was under a nearly constant threat of invasion from shifting coalitions of capitalist powers. No such threat existed until the late 1930s, but Stalin's perceptions have important implications for our understanding of Soviet foreign and domestic politics in the interwar period.