全过程人民民主研究综述

全过程人民民主是党的十八大以来我国社会主义民主政治发展的全新理论命题。全过程人民民主是中国共产党在百年未有之大变局下对人类政治文明新形态的实践探索，是推进国家治理现代化的现实逻辑，体现了中华民族伟大复兴中国梦的内在要求。在中国共产党的百年探索历程中，全过程人民民主有坚实的制度支撑、规范的运作机制、具体的程序设计，是最广泛、最真实、最管用的民主形态，既突出了中国社会主义民主政治发展的显著特色，也彰显了具体民主形式中所蕴含的人类共同价值。在新的历史起点推进全过程人民民主，要坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国的有机统一，在理想与现实、普遍性与特殊性、制度与实践的平衡中，适应人民群众对美好政治生活向往的需要，有目标、有步骤、有重点地积极推进。     

建设社会主义政治文明是全面建设小康社会的重要目标

江泽民同志在党的十六大报告中提出，发展社会主义民主政治，建设社会主义政治文明，是全面建设小康社会的重要目标。这是我们党在民主问题认识上，也是在人类文明问题认识上的一个新的重要论断。理解和把握这一论断，对于深化社会主义民主政治建设重要战略地位的认识，对于推动我国民主政治的发展，对于全面认识人类文明的发展和深入系统地把握社会主义现代化建设的目标内涵，具有重要的意义。     

试论社会主义初级阶段的民主发展思想

现代化不仅指经济发展,还包括政治、文化的发展.对于中国这个经济文化都比较落后的发展中国家来说,如何推进民主的发展呢?作为中国现代化的总设计师——邓小平同志,把马列主义普遍真理同中国的具体实践相结合,从社会主义初级阶段的基本国情出发,提出了一系列关于民主建设的思想.(一)发展社会主义民主是我们的一个基本目标.十一届三中全会以来,邓小平同志反复强调把加强民主建设作为一项重要的战略任务和伟大目标,从理论和实践的结合上,从历史和现实的联系上,深刻地阐明了发展社会主义民主的极端重要性.首先,没有民主就没有社会主义,就没有社会主义现代化.从历史唯物主义的观点来看,政治发展意味着民主精神的宏扬和升华,意味着民主原则和民主制度的建立和普及.列宁曾把民主规定为:“全体居民群众真正平等地、真正普遍地参与一切国家事务”.民主这个闪光的目标,是人类久久为之奋斗不息的目标,是全人类梦寐以求的目标.     

试论政治文明与社会主义民主政治的建设与发展

社会主义政治文明是人类政治文明发展的一个崭新阶段。它不但是社会主义现代化建设的重要目标 ,而且也是“三个代表”重要思想的内在要求。政治文明概念的提出 ,指明了社会主义民主政治建设的思想根源和理论脉络 ,提高了对中国共产党人执政能力和水平的要求。要求进一步加快政治体制改革的步伐 ,表明了社会主义民主政治建设与发展必将是一个长期的不断摸索的渐进过程。它是我们党对社会主义文明认识的新境界 ,是对邓小平关于建设有中国特色社会主义理论的重大发展     

西方协商民主与中国全过程人民民主之比较

协商民主理论虽然是西方的主要理论，其核心价值也受到了大多数国家的认同，但在中国该理论已有70多年的实践经验，目前在国内其最新说法为全过程人民民主。虽然名义相同，由于协商民主没有统一的制度模式，所以西方的协商民主与中国的全过程人民民主有着明显的差别，但最好的模式即适合自身发展要求和符合国家基本情况的模式，因此通过对西方协商民主与中国全过程人民民主进行比较，分析西方协商民主理论的现实价值，弄清中西民主的本质区别，使得中西民主能够在相互借鉴中共同进步；同时，为中国的全过程人民民主提供新的视角，这对于中国特色全过程人民民主的进一步发展具有十分重要的启示。     

着力提高党委民主生活会的质量

党内民主是党的生命，是保持党的生机和活力的关键。民主生活会制度，是党内政治生活的一项重要制度，是贯彻“从严治党”要求、实施党内监督的重要途径。近年来，各级党委坚持每年“围绕一个主题，突出一个重点”，认真落实民主生活会制度，促进了班子团结和谐，强化了凝聚力战斗力，推动了党的先进性建设。但由于受各种因素的影响，个别单位仍存在着民主生活会质量不高的问题。因此，必须把提高民主生活会质量，作为一个重要课题，认真加以解决。     

唯物史观视域下中国式现代化的五维透视

唯物史观深刻揭示了人类社会现代化发展的物质基础、价值目标、本质规律，揭示了人类社会与自然界的辨证关系，以及世界背景下人类和平发展的正确通道，为人类社会的发展提供了正确的理论指导。中国式现代化遵循唯物史观的理论指导，既不同于西方传统以资本为主导的现代化，也不同于传统社会主义现代化的发展模式，它体现着中国共产党对社会发展规律的科学认识与把握，为世界上其他国家走向现代化提供了全新的选择。     

构建和谐社会之法律思想透析

实现社会和谐始终是人类追求的一个社会理想,只是因为社会历史的不同,和谐社会思想所包含的要义以及所追求的目标也随之有所差异。但法之于和谐社会具有重要价值却是绝大多数法哲学家所认同的,即构建和谐社会离不开法律保障之基石。从中西方法律思想以及可持续发展观角度层层递进,对构建和谐社会之合理性、时代性、先导性以及法之于和谐社会的重要价值进行探讨与思索。     

警惕近年意识形态领域的错误思潮简

近些年来,在我国意识形态领域出现的错误思潮主要有新自由主义、历史虚无主义、民主社会主义和“普世价值论”等。这几种错误思潮相互联系、相互激荡,目标是一致的,都关系到我国改革开放的方向,关系到我国走什么道路。对这些错误思潮决不可等闲视之、掉以轻心。     

基于映射分析方法的打击目标选择研究

目标系统是一个能够产生相互影响的有机整体,分析目标系统,发现目标系统的内部联系,对于作战指挥决策、实施目标选择与打击有着重要的意义。分析了基于价值的目标选择与打击方法存在的不足和对目标选择与打击的影响。根据目标系统的网络特征,运用映射思想,提出一种映射结构,把目标和目标系统映射到虚目标及其组成的系统,由虚目标价值求取目标系统价值和目标对系统的价值,解决了目标价值难以计算以及动态变化后计算不够准确的问题,为目标选择与打击提供了可靠的依据。以某军事通信目标系统为例进行分析,验证了映射方法的可行性和正确性。     

MOZAMBIQUE

Mozambique is widely regarded as a success story. The parliamentary and presidential lections in 1994 marked the peak of the peace process in Mozambique. Despite minor irregularities, the elections were declared free and fair by international observers. Mozambique has succeeded where other countries such as Angola has failed—a stable peace process, multiparty elections and the transformation of the armed opposition into a civil political party. Its transition to liberalism and capitalism brought macro-economic growth rates that are probably envied by many countries in the region. This article argues, however, that Mozambique provides an example of a third wave democracy where the transition from in electoral democracy to a consolidated democracy has not yet been completed, with little progress towards democratic maturity. In particular, the repercussions of the elections in 1999, Mozambique's ‘black’ November in 2000 and the process of recent consultation between the and Frelimo leadership in order to resolve the paralysed state of Mozambican politics underline a tendency towards a permanent entrenchment of democratic minimalism.     

军事行政法基本原则研究

军事行政法基本原则是军事行政法的核心范畴，如何界定其概念，构建其体系，并探讨其与普通行政法相区别的特有原则及其具体内容，在军事法学界一直未有权威性定论。因此，研究上述问题对于完善军事行政法学学科体系及其内容无疑具有重要的理论意义。     

Expendable soldiers

Foreign Legions in the generic sense have evolved in ways that would surprise Beau Geste. Not only are more foreigners or recent immigrants enlisting in Western military forces, but also the post-Cold War era has seen the revival of warlord militias and Private Military Companies. Western militaries, in particular that of the United States, have also sought to increase their strategic reach through security assistance to regional military forces. While there have been some successes, security assistance has proven to have its limitations, not to mention unintended consequences for civil military relations, democracy promotion, and military efficiency.     

儒家文化、东方式民主及其前景研究——以韩国、台湾和新加坡为例

儒家文化区因为近代的巨大溃败后的自卑、自强的需要而被迫启动了政治民主化进程。东方式民主就是描述儒家文化背景的国家和地区在政治民主化中产生的民主样式的一种集合概念。东方式民主有其自身基于儒家文化背景的鲜明特点，这些特点使得它具有了不同于西方式民主的特质。当前，具体说来东方式民主有嫁接式生成和扦插式生成的两种样式。东方式民主的前景问题值得深入探讨。     

Hezbollah: A Proletarian Party with an Islamic Manifesto – A Sociopolitical Analysis of Islamist Populism in Lebanon and the Middle East

This article examines the rising contention between a global foreign policy promoting liberal democracy in the Middle East and Islamist rejectionism. It provides a sociopolitical analysis of the phenomena of radical Islamist politics while focusing on the experience of Hezbollah in Lebanon. It associates the growth of Hezbollah, a political movement seen in various forms in several countries, with social class dynamics that have been antagonised by social inequality, opportunistic leadership, the importation of Western-ordered democracy and by perceived foreign intervention. By examining the root dynamic of Hezbollah in Lebanon, this article argues that poverty has provided the fertile ground for the growth of Islamic populism as a revolutionary movement and has represented a major reason for the rejection of democratisation and political reform. A global foreign policy that seeks to uproot extremism in favour of state-building and the advancement of democracy in the Middle East needs to be reoriented so as to help undermine class inequality and to strengthen government-sponsored public services programmes for the underclass.     

Democratic control of Romanian intelligence after three decades: quis custodiet ipsos custodes?

ABSTRACT

Romania faced one of the most dramatic transitions from authoritarian communism to become a democracy and a member of the North-Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU). The backbone of building a democratic society has been civilian control of the military. This article briefly describes the norms and institutions of democratic control of the intelligence services in Romania and assesses how the mechanisms of democratic control have worked in practice after almost three decades of reform. We argue that many of the post-1989 reforms have been only superficial implemented and monitored, particularly after Romania joined NATO and the EU. The article concludes that the democratic control of intelligence in Romania is an unfinished business. There are structural shortcomings embedded in the process of democracy consolidation that need to be addressed.     

维汉双语教师专业技能适应性比较的实证研究——以新疆喀什地区泽普县为例

教师的专业知识是从事教育教学工作的前提条件。新疆的双语教师按民族可以分为汉族双语教师和维族双语教师两种，哪种教师的专业知识水平更高，更适合于实施双语教学？本文主要通过实证研究，并辅以哲学思考，对此问题进行分析，最后得出结论，并提出建议。     

Economic Development and Military Effectiveness

Abstract

What makes some states more militarily powerful than others? A growing body of research suggests that certain ‘non-material’ factors significantly affect a country's ability to translate resources into fighting power. In particular, recent studies claim that democracy, Western culture, high levels of human capital, and amicable civil-military relations enhance military effectiveness. If these studies are correct, then military power is not solely or even primarily determined by material resources, and a large chunk of international relations scholarship has been based on a flawed metric. The major finding of this article, however, suggests that this is not the case. In hundreds of battles between 1898 and 1987, the more economically developed side consistently outfought the poorer side on a soldier-for-soldier basis. This is not surprising. What is surprising is that many of the non-material factors posited to affect military capability seem to be irrelevant: when economic development is taken into account, culture and human capital become insignificant and democracy actually seems to degrade warfighting capability. In short, the conventional military dominance of Western democracies stems from superior economic development, not societal pathologies or political institutions. Therefore, a conception of military power that takes into account both the quantity of a state's resources and its level of economic development provides a sound basis for defense planning and international relations scholarship.     

Political transition to democracy

This paper argues that the crisis of electoral democracy in Zimbabwe and Cote d'Ivoire is a result of underlying structural and institutional deficiencies within national and regional multinational institutions. It assesses the extent to which they have been ‘enablers’ or ‘spoilers’ of electoral-based transitions to democracy. Yet it avoids generalisations of the security sector's involvement in political transitions. In terms of structure, the paper is divided into four sections. Section one will briefly discuss the theoretical perspectives of the election-democracy trajectory. It argues that although elections are a major variable for democracy, unless the ‘ecology of elections’ is conducive, elections may not be an instrument of transition to democracy. The second section analyses the militarisation of politics and the role of the security sector in aiding or stalling democratisation. Section three will assess the role of regional organisations such as the Southern African Development Community, Economic Community of West African States and the African Union in electoral-based political transitions in Africa. Lastly, the paper will discuss how the security sector and multinational African institutions can aid political transitions to democracy in troubled African countries.     

AFRICA

Political violence, at times perceived as terrorism, remains a major security challenge in Swaziland. The common view is that this violence is perpetrated by those who feel marginalised from the political process. Central to the hypothesis advanced in this paper is that any effective solution to the menace of political violence and the security challenges it poses begins with an awareness of the symbiotic relation between security, human rights and democracy. It has been empirically proven that abuse of human rights can lead to violence, which negates peace and security in any society. In terms of content the paper looks at the shape of political violence in Swaziland. Next, it discusses the strategies and ideas behind efforts by the Swazi state to combat political violence and the counter-arguments. The final section shows the inextricable link between security, human rights and democracy; and argues that recognising this linkage can provide the key to unlocking the security puzzle in Swaziland.