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中国特色军民融合式发展道路研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
目前,我国军民融合发展面临着政策法规不健全、管理体制不完善、运行机制不协调等突出问题。促进军民融合式发展,应抓住科技融合、人才融合、资金物资融合三个关键,加强政策法规建设,完善军民融合体制机制,推进技术创新。 相似文献
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要走中国特色军民融合式发展的路子,必须构建军民融合式发展的技术创新体系.并建立科学有效的运行机制。当代科技革命、产业革命和新军事变革的进展.使国防经济与社会经济、军用技术与民用技术的界限越来越模糊.结合面越来越广、融合度越来越深,随着国际形势的变化.我国国防建设走一条军民融合式的发展路子,是顺应世界军事变革发展大趋势的必然选择。而要走好这条路子.必须探索如何构建军民融合的技术创新体系.如何建设科学有效的运行机制。 相似文献
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军队科研机构推进国防知识产权转化运用 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
军队科研机构作为国家科技创新体系的重要组成部分,承担了大量科技创新任务,产生了许多具有自主知识产权的高水平科技成果,推动军队科研机构国防知识产权转化运用,是贯彻军民融合发展战略的必要途径。分析了军队科研机构国防知识产权转化的现状及制约转化的现实障碍,并结合实际探讨了推进军队科研机构国防知识产权转化的建议举措。 相似文献
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本文着重阐述了绵阳作为国家科技城军民融合发展的历史沿革,特别是2008年地震之后借助国家灾后重建各项政策资金支持,抓住军民融合上升为国家战略的有力时机,积极承担党中央和国务院赋予的以军民融合为特色的全面创新改革试验,走出了一条绵阳特色的军民融合深度发展之路。同时,对当前存在的问题和未来发展提出了自己的见解。 相似文献
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Zhang Yunzhuang 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(6):887-896
This article is a response to Evron's argument, offering readers another perspective to assess China's military modernization and war fighting capabilities, using the same framework and methodology. It examines three topics: China's national security and military strategy, the PLA's procurement decision-making process, and China's military support and mobilization system. It concludes that, China's military modernization is to fight and win local wars under the conditions of informatization, but if required the PLA can reliably supply large numbers of sophisticated weapons and spare parts, to wage a complex and prolonged conflict. 相似文献
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世界范围内有关标准化与技术创新的关系研究已近百年,各方学者专家普遍认为标准化有助于技术知识的积累、创新效率的提升以及创新成果的扩散。由于前沿技术具有战略地位高、产业规模大、研发风险高、学科交叉融合、发展路径多样以及创新资源稀缺等特点,相比标准化与传统技术创新,标准化与前沿技术创新之间呈现出一定的网络关系、耦合关系和产品互促关系。本文通过归并标准化与前沿技术创新参与主体、对比各自生命周期发展以及阶段性成果情况,分析阐述了二者之间关系的理解认识,并提出应充分发挥标准化的战略工具性、公共品属性和广泛兼容性,强化对前沿技术军事应用创新方向校准的导向作用、创新资源整合的协同作用及创新成果转化的推动作用,加速国防前沿技术推动新型作战力量和保障力量的发展。促进"黑科技"和"杀手锏"的形成。 相似文献
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美国具有全球最为先进的军事科技实力、军事科技创新能力和国防保障能力,美国的科技创新体系具有军民融合深度发展的特点,在军民融合创新发展上没有明显的时间滞后,是世界上军民融合科技创新体系发展最好的典型样板国家。论文梳理分析美国国防创新系统及其特点,分析美国国防科技经费预算、研究方向和项目流程,研究分析美国促进军民融合创新与发展的制度保障体系,总结美国创新体系中军民深度融合发展的特点,解析美国军民融合发展中的典型案例、各自成功的模式和主要经验,并结合我国军民融合发展的实际情况提出建议。 相似文献
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Wu Riqiang 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(4):579-614
China's nuclear deterrent relies on so-called ‘first strike uncertainty’, which means not letting the other side be confident of a completely successful disarming strike. But in order to deter, the uncertainty must be high enough. After reviewing the developmental history of China's nuclear capability and the evolution of Chinese and foreign leaders’ perceptions of China's nuclear retaliatory capability, this article identifies the criteria of nuclear deterrence for China and other countries. This research can contribute to Sino-US strategic dialogue and deepening understanding of the security consequences of nuclear proliferation. 相似文献
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Thomas J. Christensen 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(4):447-487
Abstract Will China's development of a new generation of nuclear weapons impact US-China security relations in important ways? One's answer depends on how one views the following: whether or not Chinese leaders believe that they are only now acquiring a secure second strike capability; the scope of coercive power that secure second strike capability provides to conventionally inferior actors; the meaning of China's ‘No First Use’ Doctrine; and the prospects for escalation control in future crises. Applying Cold War theories and tapping Chinese doctrinal writings this article concludes that China's nuclear modernization program might prove more consequential than is commonly believed. 相似文献
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Michael Kluth 《African Security Review》2013,22(1):19-29
This article argues that aspirations of maintaining a dominant influence over sub-Saharan security issues has spurred the French and British leadership of European Union (EU) foreign and security policy integration, just as it has informed military capability expansions by the armed forces of the main EU powers. While Europe's initial African focus was on stabilising a continent marred by state failure, civil wars and genocides, changes in the global security context, especially the shift towards multipolarity manifest in China's growing engagement, has prompted a complementary focus on deterring other powers from making military inroads into the subcontinent. Hence Europe's sub-Saharan security focus is shifting from stabilisation towards deterrence. This helps explain recent military procurements which, in spite of the extremely challenging fiscal position of most EU member states, feature large-scale investments in long-range deterrence capabilities. 相似文献