共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 140 毫秒
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文章结合国外四个典型的地下战略指挥中心的安全综合防护工程建设情况,分析了地下指挥工程综合防护性能的发展及主要特点,对我军指挥工程建设具有一定的借鉴意义。 相似文献
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从指挥防护工程的整体防护性能出发,将防化纳入工程整体防护系统中的一个子系统。在高技术作战条件下,工程受到的危害因素很多,需要较广的防护信息谱,根据指挥防护工程防护态势宜全面显示、快速判断、可靠转换的战术需求,提出了对防护工程所用的防化报警监测器材种类、数量需求和战术性能等方面的看法。 相似文献
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指挥自动化是军队信息化建设的基础工程,是部队战斗力建设跨越式发展的物质基础,对运用作战力量有着巨大的聚合作用,对提高指挥效能具有突出的倍增作用。省军区系统多种职能任务交织,作战指挥对象多元,信息需求量大,必须大力加强指挥自动化建设,构建贯通上下、联结左右、反应灵 相似文献
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基于可拓方法的C3I作战方案生成与评价 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
作战指挥决策支持系统是指挥自动化系统的重要组成部分,作战方案生成与评价是作战指挥决策支持系统的基本功能.根据作战指挥决策支持系统特点将可拓方法应用于作战方案生成与评价,并分析了其优势所在.结合空战案例运用发散树方法进行作战方案集的开拓,并利用优度评价方法进行作战方案的评价,从而得到最佳作战方案. 相似文献
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发展国防太空力量是美国谋划大国竞争的战略支点。特朗普政府执政以来,为捍卫一超独霸的太空地位,加速推进太空军事化进程,已制定《国家太空战略》,签署新的太空政策指令,成立第六军种“天军”。2020年6月,美国公开最新版《国防太空战略》报告。本文对其梳理分析以研判美国国防太空力量发展动向,并运用网络调研法搜集近年美国政府部门关于国防太空力量发展的权威政策文本及知名智库的深度研究报告。在此基础上,把美国2020年最新版《国防太空战略》作为中心文本,以文献分析法归纳美国国防太空力量发展的动因、目标及行动计划。中国作为负责任的发展中太空大国,应当积极借鉴并应对美国2020年《国防太空战略》:内强素质,提升国防太空军事技术硬实力;外树形象,在国际场合积极推动太空和平利用的政策议程。 相似文献
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李静影 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2014,(2):41-42
地下空间的利用率越来越高,增加了对空间的使用效率,拓展了人们的生活休闲空间。虽然相关规范对地下空间的安全性做了一些规定,但比较零散,各种数据还不统一,加之受地下空间自身条件所限,设计上很难达到实用与消防安全方面的和谐统一,笔者根据工作实际,对地下空间的分区和疏散问题进行分析和归纳,提出了对民用地下空间防火分区和安全疏散消防设计要点的理解。 相似文献
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王建英 《中国人民武装警察部队学院学报》2004,20(3):50-52
非法获得的证据能否作为定案的依据 ,历来为各国刑事证据理论所关注。美国和德国作为英美法系和大陆法系的典型代表 ,分别确立了非法证据排除规则和证据运用禁止规则。研究了两国排除规则的内涵、发展历史、适用范围及存在差异 相似文献
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后苏联时代的俄罗斯未能维持其在太空安全领域的优势,已不再是太空军事强国。本文首先梳理了俄罗斯太空安全政策的发展历程,其次,讨论了俄罗斯在太空安全治理和防止太空武器化方面的外交倡议,最后总结了俄罗斯太空安全政策的特征。本研究认为,自21世纪初起,俄罗斯逐渐开始复兴其太空军事力量,力图使其太空安全政策适应新的地缘政治格局,不仅积极调整其航天计划,对其航天工业体系、航天机构和航天资产进行简化、整合和现代化建设,还谋求“非对称”反制策略,并在联合国框架内积极开展“太空外交倡议”,以应对美国太空武器化所带来的威胁和挑战,同时推动禁止太空武器化进程。 相似文献
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Sundara Vadlamudi 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):199-223
In January 2004 U.S. President George W. Bush and Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee announced the Next Steps in Strategic Partnership (NSSP), a bilateral initiative to expand cooperation in the areas of civilian space activities, civilian nuclear programs, and high-technology trade and to expand discussions on missile defense. Today, India and the United States view the NSSP initiative as a tool to transfer high-technology items to India without compromising U.S. nonproliferation goals. The success of this proposal depends on U.S. efforts to modify its nonproliferation regulations and India's efforts to implement stringent regulations to control the flow of sensitive technologies within its borders. This report examines the Indo-U.S. NSSP initiative and associated agreements, discusses the set of reciprocal steps agreed upon by India and the United States, reviews the extent of technology transfer permissible under existing U.S. nonproliferation regulations, and presents some preliminary conclusions on the NSSP agreement. 相似文献
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美国认为太空已被普遍认定为最重要的作战域之一,未来的太空安全态势将愈发严峻。本文认为, 美国正面向未来太空对抗环境进行全面转型, 从顶层战略、作战理论、组织结构、战备训练、装备技术等方面开展研究、调整和长远布局, 如以我为主要对手谋划布局、发布系列军事航天顶层指导文件、大幅增加太空攻防作战相关经费投入等。 目前, 美军正处于新旧体系转换、 下一代能力构建发展的关键期, 不仅正在变革军队组织体制、重组太空攻防作战力量, 还积极开展系列演习演训, 以加速形成太空攻防实战能力。美军这一系列动向将对未来太空领域安全与发展产生重大影响, 应引起我高度重视。 相似文献
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Anders Corr 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):127-147
Nuclear proliferation, lax security standards in the storage of fissile materials, and international apathy in the prosecution of terrorists make nuclear terror a serious threat to the United States and its allies, yet no doctrine of retaliation has been established. To decrease the probability of terrorist use of nuclear weapons, a doctrine of retaliation—a negligence doctrine—should be considered. If the United States can distinguish whose fissile material was used for a nuclear terror event, a negligence doctrine would prescribe retaliation against that state. Where the proximate cause—terrorists—is unavailable for deterrent retaliation, deterring an accessible mediate cause—a state that has failed to adequately secure its fissile material—is one of a few effective alternatives. In the absence of such a negligence doctrine, the United States and its allies are increasingly vulnerable to a nuclear terror attack and the ensuing negative consequences. 相似文献
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Some U.S. military leaders have asserted that the United States, Japan, Australia, and India and the Republic of Korea are developing multilateral defense cooperation to deter aggression and uphold norms much like North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) has in Europe. Frequent military exercises and China’s threats to freedom of navigation (FoN) and North Korea’s nuclear missiles comprise the motive force for such cooperation. However, cooperation thus far has been trilateral and minimal, given divergent national interests and dispersed geopolitical locations. Cooperation among Japan, Republic of Korea (ROK), and the United States is increasing given the threat, but ROK’s public opinion is divided about Japan. Australia, Japan, and India have increased cooperation with the United States but are reluctant to conduct FoN operations with the United States to challenge China’s expansionism in the South China Sea. If China becomes more aggressive and blocks FoN or seizes territory, development toward an Asian NATO is possible. 相似文献
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David O. Smith 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(1):99-105
ABSTRACTIn No Use: Nuclear Weapons and U.S. National Security Policy, Thomas M. Nichols calls for a constructive rethinking about the history of nuclear weapons and the attitudes that have grown up around them. Despite dramatic reductions since the end of the Cold War, the United States still maintains a robust nuclear triad that far exceeds the needs of realistic deterrence in the twenty-first century. Nichols advocates a new strategy of minimum deterrence that includes deep unilateral reductions to the US nuclear arsenal, a no-first-use pledge, withdrawing US tactical nuclear weapons from Europe, and ending extended nuclear deterrence for allies. The weakest part of his argument eschews nuclear retaliation against small nuclear states that attack the United States, opting instead to use only conventional weapons to guarantee regime change. He admits this will entail enormous cost and sacrifice, but cites the “immorality” of retaliating against a smaller power with few targets worthy of nuclear weaponry, which totally ignores the massive underground facilities constructed to shield military facilities in many of these states. Despite this, Nichols's thoughtful approach to post-Cold War deterrence deserves thoughtful consideration. 相似文献