警卫职业压力成因及对策

警卫职业特点和性质决定了警卫人员承受着很大的心理压力.结合警卫工作实际,从职业健康心理学的角度分析警卫人员所面临的恐怖活动压力、社会压力、工作压力、生活压力,并着重从个体应对资源、自我调适方法、组织机构三个方面提出了应对压力的有效策略.     

公安警卫部队青年警官心理压力的社会学分析

由于职业性质的特殊性，公安警卫部队青年警官在工作中都承受着一定的心理压力。过度的心理压力不仅影响青年警官个人身心健康，同时也直接影响公安警卫部队的各项建设及警卫任务的圆满完成。分析公安警卫部队青年警官承受的心理压力，研究缓解其压力的途径与对策，对发挥公安警卫部队青年警官工作积极性与创造性，提高部队战斗力具有重要的现实意义。     

焦点永远在第一线

新闻摄影,是通过图像的形式,对所发生的新闻事件作如实的现场报道。摄影记者正是通过对新闻现场的观察、选取、捕捉来获取图片新闻信息的,不到新闻现场,就没有新闻照片。新闻照片好与差直接反映出摄影记者对新闻现场和拍摄对象熟悉把握的程度。《中华健儿勇闯虎跳峡》(获1986年度最佳新闻照片奖),如果不是我提前去对典型事件,典型环境、典型情节的熟悉与了解,在众多记者面前是绝不会胜人一筹的。因此摄影记者的焦点要时刻对准基层,对准生活的第一线,对准人民群众,才能对得实,对得清楚。     

“仰望星空”与“脚踏实地”——论江宛柳的新闻报道风格

记者不一定非要仰望星空,但对星空的仰望、对理想的坚守,却一定会带给记者思想的光华、关切的高远和动机的纯粹.这一点,可以清晰地从江宛柳的新闻作品中读出来.“仰望星空”是记者的精神姿态,而“脚踏实地”才是记者的职业通则.离开了勤勉地奔波、采访和写作,任何新闻人的仰望都会失去依托,沦为空想与空谈.能够胸怀理想在历史和审美层次...     

“生理·心理·物理”三位一体——美军无人作战装备训练模式解析

为应对无人作战对军事训练的挑战,美军探索了"生理·心理·物理"三位一体的训练模式:在生理层面,广泛应用生命科学最新研究成果,提升无人机操控员的各项生理指标;在心理层面,探索虚拟与现实、战时与平时情景切换下的心理调试手段,缓解无人机操控员的心理压力;在物理层面,通过研发仿真性能优良的训练模拟器,在解决训练成本的同时,提升无人机操控员的训练效率。     

孙建科：危机中有更多发展机遇

3月7日，北京河南大厦。记者带着军工科研院所如何应对国际金触危机影响的相关话题．采访了十一届全国人大代表、中国船舶重工集团公司第七二五研究所所长孙建科。     

消解与重构——论新闻专业学生基础写作能力的培养

基础写作能力在新闻专业大学生的专业能力中占有极为重要的地位。针对目前学生写作能力各层面上所存在的问题，本文进行了相关分析，同时笔者试从”消解”和”重构”两个角度，对基础写作能力培养的实现进行梳理，最终得到基础写作能力培养的完整模式，以便更好地指导基础写作教学工作。     

王建民从“战场”归来

王建民简历 新华社高级记者, 军事摄影采编主任, 1954年1月生于河北任丘, 中国摄影家协会、 中国新闻摄影学会会员、 获得中国摄影记者首届金眼奖、 范长江新闻奖提名奖、 中国摄影家金像提名奖、 解放军摄影艺术奖、 中国新闻摄影突出贡献奖、 新华社苴届国内十佳记者、 中摄协“德艺双馨摄影家”称号, 立过二等功、三等功,多次受嘉奖。     

论不准入境制度

不准入境制度是各国出入境管理法律的重要组成部分。为了应对恐怖分子等敌对势力对境内的渗透，我国必须加强对入境人员的审查力度，但同时又要防止因此造成通关障碍。改进和完善我国不准入境制度，使之能在保障国内安全的同时促进对外交往的发展，对我国建设和谐社会具有十分重要的意义。     

美军改打混合战争——军事科学院研究员焦亮谈美国新战争理论

据美国《纽约时报》7月23日报道，美军将采纳新的作战理念，从过去同时打赢两场主要常规战争的理念向应对包括常规战争和反恐、反叛乱行动在内的“混合战”的新理念转变。这一新理念的宗旨是确保美军能够处理各种可能的威胁，除了应对常规战和反恐、反叛乱行动外，还能应对包括计算机网络攻击、遮蔽卫星定位系统、精确制导导弹袭击和路边炸弹袭击，以及视频和网络“宣传战”。据悉，这种新理念将在预定于明年发布的美国国防部《四年防务评估报告》中正式予以确立。那么，什么是“混合战争”理论？它有哪些创新之处？对美军建设又会产生什么潜在影响？针对上述问题，本刊记者近日采访了军事科学院世界军事研究部焦亮研究员。     

具有在线测量功能的三工位紧塞具压入机设计研究

分析目前使用的药筒紧塞具压入设备的缺点和不足,研究在线测量药筒实际装药高度的方法,提出在线测量药筒实际装药高度,同时根据装药高度控制紧塞具实际压入深度的设计思想,设计了一种具有在线测量功能的采用并行工作方式的三工位药筒紧塞具压入设备。该设备具有自动化程度高和能够精确控制紧塞具压入深度等特点。     

The financial performance of aircraft manufacturers during world war II: the vicissitudes of war

Controversy has long surrounded the role and profitability of US defense contractors. From a financial perspective the question becomes whether defense contractors earn greater profits and investor returns than other companies during military conflicts. We explore this question by examining the accounting profitability and investor returns of US aircraft manufacturers before, during, and after World War II and compare them to a sample of non-defense firms. We also examine the reactions of aircraft stock prices to important political and military events of the time. We find that (1) aircraft stocks exhibited positive abnormal returns around events associated with defense buildups and outbreaks of hostile action and negative returns around events signaling an end to hostilities, (2) the company’s accounting returns improved during the war but these higher accounting returns did not translate into higher stock returns for the shareholders, and (3) investors could have earned higher stock returns had they switched out of aircraft stocks after Pearl Harbor and reinvested the proceeds in the overall market.     

NATO options and dilemmas for deterring Russia in the Baltic States

According to the NATO’s collective defence strategy and the principle of deterrence, “no one should doubt NATO’s resolve if the security of any of its members were to be threatened”. In this sense, credible deterrence acts as a guarantee for peace and stability in the Euro-Atlantic region. However, recent events in Ukraine and Georgia have revealed the potential weaknesses of the current deterrence models. Without any overt fear of retaliation, we have seen Russia’s aggressive steps towards its neighbours, which were planned and executed with great sophistication, initiative, agility and decisiveness. Although contrary to Ukraine and Georgia which are not the members of the Alliance, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania are granted security guarantees in the NATO framework, the Baltic countries clearly constitute Russia’s point of contact with NATO and are, therefore, also subject to the interests of Russia to test mutual capabilities and commitment, and to send strategic messages to the Alliance. In this context, the article aims to assess how credible is the deterrence posture provided by NATO in avoiding potential aggression on the part of Russia against the Baltic countries.     

INTRA‐GROUP COMPETITION AND INTER‐GROUP CONFLICT: AN APPLICATION TO NORTHERN IRELAND

This paper reviews four economic theories of leadership selection in conflict settings. The ‘credibility rationale’, argues that hawks may actually be necessary to initiate peace agreements. The ‘bargaining rationale’ predicts that while doves are more likely to secure peace, post‐conflict hawks may be rationally selected. The ‘social psychological rationale’ captures the idea of a competition over which group can form the strongest identity. Dove selection can be predicted during conflict, but hawk selection post‐conflict. Finally, the ‘expressive rationale’ predicts that regardless of the underlying nature of the game the large group nature of decision‐making in rendering individual decision makers non‐decisive in determining the outcome of elections may cause them to make choices based primarily on emotions. Finally, the paper analyses the extent to which the theories can throw light on Northern Ireland electoral history over the last 25 years.     

俞颂华新闻思想综论

俞颂华是中国近代新闻史上著名报人。报纸是社会的耳目、民众的喉舌，办报要有创新精神、要注重国际问题的分析与报道，新闻工作者应当具有大公至正的精神、代表人民立言等这些丰富而深厚的新闻思想，如今依然值得新闻工作者学习和借鉴。     

The Millenials’ war: dilemmas of network dependency in today’s military

This work is about how the United States military has become dependent on networked technology. As arguably the largest contributor to national security, it has become so dependent that its chief doctrine integrates networked technology into nearly every specialty, with particularly intense focus on Network Centric Warfare. As the military’s old guard is replaced by the highly technical Millenial Generation, there is cause to pause when assuming this techno-acuity brings nothing but advantage and success. Vulnerabilities stemming from such extensive dependence offer opportunities for exploitation that have not gone unnoticed. The first step to moving forward from this point is to fully understand the extent to which the military has become dependent on computer networks. It might be the Millenials’ war today, but it would be quite unwise for the United States military to think about it and fight it in a purely Millenial way.     

When ties do not bind: the failure of institutional binding in NATO Russia relations

Russia and NATO have failed to establish binding institutional arrangements and they are now locked in increasingly dangerous security competition. A closer look at two issue areas where their efforts at binding have failed—NATO enlargement and missile defence—shows that Russia and NATO find themselves facing a ‘catch 22’. They need binding arrangements to overcome the relative gains problems that inhibit security cooperation, yet their concerns about relative gains prevent them from establishing these arrangements in the first place. To overcome this dilemma, NATO and Russia have to craft binding arrangements that seriously address each side’s concerns about relative gains. Less formal and institutionalized binding arrangements may better serve this goal. Such arrangements will not put an immediate end to security competition, but they will help them build a higher level of trust, allowing them to gradually develop deeper and more comprehensive binding arrangements.     

Avoiding self-inflicted wounds to the credibility of the US nuclear deterrent

Nuclear deterrence requires not only the reliability of a state’s strategic weapons and the willingness of its leaders to employ them but also an adversary’s appreciation of these conditions. Weapons perceived as failing to hold their targets at risk may lack deterrent value, just as retaliatory threats that are not believable may fail to deter, even if a state’s operational capabilities are robust. Both the technical and political credibility of the US nuclear deterrent may have suffered self-inflicted harm since the end of the Cold War, often as casualties of intemperate policy debates. In particular, doubts have been sowed about the reliability of aging US warheads under a science-based stockpile-stewardship regime meant to substitute for nuclear-explosive testing. Likewise, the credibility of US deterrent threats may have waned as American leaders have spoken ever more stridently about the horrors of nuclear war and nuclear terrorism, underscoring their extreme aversion to the risk of nuclear attack. Diminished credibility in both spheres threatens to compromise US national-security objectives ranging from nuclear nonproliferation to the outcomes of nuclear crises.     

Chinese views of the nuclear endgame in North Korea

ABSTRACT

This article examines Chinese views of North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program during the Donald J. Trump administration. It shows that China has portrayed itself as a responsible country that promotes regional stability, unlike the United States, which has engaged in military brinkmanship with North Korea. Some Chinese foreign-policy experts have asserted that Beijing should back Pyongyang in the event of war because of their shared history of humiliation by great powers, while others have favored working with other regional partners. Another theme in Chinese discourse about North Korea is that Pyongyang is an impetuous, ungrateful regime that impedes Beijing’s ability to attain its core interests of regional stability, economic development, and heightened global influence. This negative assessment of North Korea drove Beijing’s endorsement of stricter UN sanctions in 2017. While Beijing has punished Pyongyang for its wayward policies, China responded favorably to North Korea’s decision in April 2018 to stop nuclear tests and partake in international dialogue. Beijing seeks to help Pyongyang gradually disarm and develop its economy within a Chinese-led East Asian order. The article concludes by explaining how Beijing’s recent, more positive view of Pyongyang is likely to affect its support for American efforts to dismantle North Korea’s nuclear-weapon program.     

The rise and fall of counterproliferation policy

The US government initiated a Defense Counterproliferation Initiative to address the concern that, in the post-Cold War years, the proliferation of nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons would be widespread and create a significant challenge to the US military’s combat operations. In particular, non-nuclear states might use chemical or biological warfare agents against US forces with the belief that nuclear weapons would not be used against them in retaliation. Following the events of September 11, 2001, defense strategy and policy shifted to a wider view of the threat of adversarial use of “weapons of mass destruction” (WMD) and the term “counterproliferation” was replaced by “combating” or “countering WMD.” Over time, the Defense Department increasingly moved away from counterproliferation principles with the detrimental effect of losing capabilities that US forces still need for contemporary adversaries. This shift has been aggravated by other US government agencies’ use of “counterproliferation” in lieu of what would have been termed “nonproliferation” activities in the 1990s. The loss of clarity within the US government on these terms has led to the inability to focus the “whole of government” on this significant national security challenge. To alleviate this challenge, the US government needs a top-down initiative to refocus policy on the distinctly different aspects of WMD with respect to military combat operations, combating terrorism, and homeland security.