共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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为了解决强干扰背景下常规空间谱估计算法对弱信号不能正确测向的问题,基于均匀圆形阵列(UCA),提出了一种扩展噪声子空间弱信号波达方向(DOA)估计算法。首先将强干扰方向向量并入噪声子空间形成扩展噪声子空间,然后构造波束函数和新的方向向量进行谱峰搜索。本算法能有效抑制强干扰的影响,对弱信号方向进行正确估计。最后计算机仿真实验验证了本算法的有效性和正确性。 相似文献
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针对嵌套阵列DOA估计实时性不好的问题,提出了一种基于单快拍数据的估计算法。该算法将嵌套阵分为阵元间距等于信号半波长和阵元间距大于信号半波长的两个均匀子阵。利用两子阵接收的单快拍数据分别构造Toeplitz矩阵,然后进行特征值分解结合MUSIC算法得到低精度无模糊的DOA估计和高精度有模糊的DOA估计,最后结合解模糊算法得到高精度无模糊DOA估计。在阵列孔径相同的条件下,相比于阵元间距等于信号半波长的均匀线阵,算法需要的阵元个数较少,节约了硬件成本。该算法具有较好的实时性,并且拥有较高的测向精度。仿真结果证明了算法的有效性。 相似文献
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针对极化敏感阵列在工程应用中所受到的诸多限制条件,本文提出了一种新型交替极化阵列结构,分析了其在滤波抗干扰中的理论极限性能,并与极化敏感阵列滤波性能进行对比研究。研究表明:相对而言,交替极化阵列在设备量减半、信号处理自由度减半的条件下,滤波抗干扰性能逼近极化敏感阵列,克服了极化敏感阵列系统复杂性带来的一系列问题,因此在阵列雷达领域具有广泛的应用前景。 相似文献
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文章设计了一种波束展宽的宽频带圆极化微带天线。天线单元采用层叠结构的形式实现宽频带,通过在天线四周加导电墙并改变地板尺寸展宽微带天线的波束宽度。主要研究了改变导电墙高度以及地板大小对天线的半功率波束宽度以及低仰角增益带来的影响,通过仿真优化,这种方法可以将天线的半功率波束宽度从68°提高到100°,同时仰角30°增益从0.01 dB提高到2.4 dB。加工制作了相应的微带天线,测试结果表明该天线具有频带宽、低仰角增益高以及波束宽度宽的优点,与仿真结果吻合较好。 相似文献
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就方位多相位中心(Azimuth Multiple-Phase-Center,AMPC)合成孔径雷达(Synthetic Aperture Radar,SAR)系统的阵列误差对信号重建性能的影响进行分析。将阵列误差建模为随机过程,结合最小二乘(Least-Square,LS)算法,推导了AMPC SAR误差功率谱的解析表达式,进而得到了AMPC SAR的信噪比与方位模糊比的解析表达式。仿真实验验证了理论分析的正确性。分析指出,随着系统脉冲重复频率的升高,有必要通过减小重建系数以实现重建性能的提升。分析方法与结果对AMPC SAR系统设计以及图像质量预估提供有效支撑。 相似文献
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针对阵列雷达体制,从改进单脉冲的角度出发研究了低角跟踪问题。在多径阵列信号模型的基础上,利用极大似然估计原理推导了双零点单脉冲测角算法,通过数字波束形成实现双零点单脉冲系统修正和、差方向图。仿真分析了双零点单脉冲测角性能,得出测角性能与信噪比、目标仰角以及复反射系数的关系。用实测数据对该算法进行验证,结果表明:当目标仰角小于1/4波束宽度时,测角均方根误差达到1/40波束宽度,可以有效解决低角跟踪问题。 相似文献
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为了充分发挥相控阵雷达探测波束的方向性和分布式多输入多输出(Multiple-Input Multiple-Output,MIMO)雷达空间分集增益和结构增益在目标定位上的优势,提出了一种分布式MIMO数字阵列雷达模型并对其多目标定位方法、搜索复杂度和分辨力进行了研究。建立了分布式MIMO数字阵列雷达的观测模型;依据最大似然估计给出了目标定位的搜索方法并计算了搜索复杂度;并利用模糊函数对分布式MIMO数字阵列雷达的分辨力进行了仿真分析。研究结果表明:与常规分布式MIMO雷达相比,分布式MIMO数字阵列雷达子阵波束的方向性可以降低目标定位时的搜索复杂度,缩小距离和角度联合模糊带的长度;与常规相控阵雷达相比,分布式MIMO数字阵列雷达的结构增益可提高目标分辨力。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Christopher Davis 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):145-177
The Soviet Union was able to develop a large military-industrial complex and become the world's second superpower despite deficiencies in its centrally planned economy because defence was given high priority status and special planning, rationing and administrative mechanisms were used to attain national security objectives. However, in the period 1976-85 the effectiveness of priority protection diminished and defence institutions experienced more of the problems typical of the shortage economic system. The heavy defence burden also created growing difficulties for the civilian economy. The attempts by the Gorbachev government to reform the defence sector and improve defence-economic relationships during perestroika (1985-91) uniformly failed. For most of the transition period, the Russian military-industrial complex has been adversely affected by its low priority status, cuts in defence spending, instability of the hybrid politico-economic system, and negative growth of the economy. The armed forces and defence industry have been reduced in size and their outputs of military services and equipment have fallen to low levels. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still have over one million troops, significant stocks of sophisticated conventional weapons, and a large nuclear arsenal. The government of President Putin has raised the priority of the defence sector, increased real defence spending, and adopted ambitious plans to revive Russian military power. It is likely, though, that tight resource constraints will hamper efforts to reform the armed forces and to upgrade weapons. By 2010 Russia will be an important, but not dominant, military power in Eurasia. 相似文献
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Bettina Renz 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):55-77
The collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the massive expansion of drug use and trade in Russia. The country now has one of the largest populations of injecting drug users in the world and has become the largest single-country market for Afghan heroin. In 2003 the Federal Service for the Control of the Drugs Trade was created to coordinate a comprehensive counternarcotics strategy appropriate to the scale of this threat. The service continues to face a number of challenges in its early stages of development. However, it has made considerable advances in improving responses to large-scale organised crime and in building international cooperation. 相似文献