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火箭深弹是水面舰艇拦截鱼雷的常用武器,为提高火箭深弹拦截鱼雷的概率,提出了子母深弹的概念,将地面火炮中常用的子母弹技术应用于深弹反鱼雷攻击中,通过分析子母弹的散布特性,来比较子母深弹和火箭深弹毁伤鱼雷的效能,并通过Monte-Carlo法仿真了这一过程,分析了影响子母深弹的毁伤概率的因素。 相似文献
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悬浮式深弹拦截鱼雷是大型水面舰艇水下防护作战的一种重要形式,其中估计来袭鱼雷的航向是实施拦截的关键。针对鱼雷航向的估计问题,引用基于相遇三角形原理的来袭鱼雷航向估计模型,分析了来袭鱼雷的可能航向角范围。采用数字仿真和仿真模型置信度的决策分析方法,对模型的可信性及其决策风险进行了量化分析。结果表明,该鱼雷航向估计模型可信,可为悬浮式深弹拦截鱼雷的作战训练、战法研讨及其仿真研究提供参考。 相似文献
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舰载直升机拦截鱼雷的战术可行性研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
使用火箭深弹拦截是水面舰艇防御鱼雷的重要措施之一。为了进一步提高水面舰艇对鱼雷的防御作战能力,首次提出了舰载直升机使用航空深弹拦截鱼雷的战术设想。通过对战场态势的分析,建立了直升机拦截鱼雷的战术可行性判断模型,并通过仿真计算,对两种情况下舰载直升机拦截鱼雷的战术可行性进行了探讨。研究表明该战术设想是切实可行的。 相似文献
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为了分析了水面舰艇发射火箭悬浮深弹拦截潜射尾流自导鱼雷的作战使用问题,首先,概括了潜射尾流自导鱼雷的攻击原理。其次,介绍了水面舰艇针对尾流自导鱼雷的弹道预测原理以及鱼雷提前角估算数学模型,在此基础上,进一步建立了火箭悬浮深弹拦截鱼雷的射击要素求解模型。最后,进行了仿真检验,归纳了火箭悬浮深弹射击提前角随相关参数变化的分布规律。研究结果对火箭悬浮深弹拦截潜射尾流自导鱼雷的作战使用具有指导意义。 相似文献
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随着智能鱼雷目标探测及跟踪能力的提高,水面舰艇很难通过改变航向、航速和利用传统武器等手段来摆脱鱼雷的攻击。建立了反鱼雷鱼雷(ATT)迎面拦截方式下的火控模型和拦截效能仿真模型,计算并分析了声纳探测测向、测距、报警作用距离等重点指标对其发现概率的影响。结论表明,在迎面拦截方式下,提高鱼雷目标定位的精度水平均能提高反鱼雷鱼雷的发现概率,但是目标的测向精度对反鱼雷鱼雷拦截效能的影响远大于测距误差,同时提高声纳的报警作用距离不仅可以增大拦截来袭鱼雷的时机区间,对于提高发现概率也有很大的帮助。 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Christopher Davis 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):145-177
The Soviet Union was able to develop a large military-industrial complex and become the world's second superpower despite deficiencies in its centrally planned economy because defence was given high priority status and special planning, rationing and administrative mechanisms were used to attain national security objectives. However, in the period 1976-85 the effectiveness of priority protection diminished and defence institutions experienced more of the problems typical of the shortage economic system. The heavy defence burden also created growing difficulties for the civilian economy. The attempts by the Gorbachev government to reform the defence sector and improve defence-economic relationships during perestroika (1985-91) uniformly failed. For most of the transition period, the Russian military-industrial complex has been adversely affected by its low priority status, cuts in defence spending, instability of the hybrid politico-economic system, and negative growth of the economy. The armed forces and defence industry have been reduced in size and their outputs of military services and equipment have fallen to low levels. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still have over one million troops, significant stocks of sophisticated conventional weapons, and a large nuclear arsenal. The government of President Putin has raised the priority of the defence sector, increased real defence spending, and adopted ambitious plans to revive Russian military power. It is likely, though, that tight resource constraints will hamper efforts to reform the armed forces and to upgrade weapons. By 2010 Russia will be an important, but not dominant, military power in Eurasia. 相似文献
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Bettina Renz 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):55-77
The collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the massive expansion of drug use and trade in Russia. The country now has one of the largest populations of injecting drug users in the world and has become the largest single-country market for Afghan heroin. In 2003 the Federal Service for the Control of the Drugs Trade was created to coordinate a comprehensive counternarcotics strategy appropriate to the scale of this threat. The service continues to face a number of challenges in its early stages of development. However, it has made considerable advances in improving responses to large-scale organised crime and in building international cooperation. 相似文献