巴以局势能否峰回路转?

联合国安理会3月13日通过1397号决议,表示支持“巴勒斯坦和以色列两个国家在一个地区、在安全和被承认的边界内共存的远见”。这是安理会自巴以2000年9月爆发冲突以来首次通过有关中东问题的决议,同时也是安理会首次以决议形式明确表示支持巴勒斯坦建国。     

战火中的海地维和

2004年4月在海地发生了军事政变,整个国家陷入了混乱,同年5月,联合国安理会通过决议,在海地成立联合国海地特派团（简称：联海团）,     

声音

“中国派遣海军舰艇赴亚丁湾、索马里海域执行护航任务这一行动第一符合国际法，第二符合安理会决议，第三也符合索马里过渡政府所提出的要求。这次行动以联合国安理会决议为依据，参照了有关国家做法，目的是保障过往这一海域的中国船只和人员的安全，保障联合国有关组织运送国际救援物资船只的安全。”     

声音

“同不少安理会成员一样,中国认为在当前形势下,片面向叙利亚政府施压,预断对话的结果,或强加任何解决方案都无助于叙利亚问题的解决,反而可能导致局势进一步复杂化。在各方仍有严重分歧的情况下强行推动表决,无助于维护安理会的团结和权威,无助于问题的妥善解决。因此,中国对这一决议草案投了反对票。”——中国常驻联合国代表李保东就中国否决叙利亚问题决议草案作出解释性发言。     

“打海盗”必须守规矩

6月2日，在联合国历史上，绝对可以是一个写入史册的日子。当天，联合国安理会一致通过第1816号决议，授权外国军队在索马里政府同意的情况下，在决议通过后的6个月内，进入索马里领海并采用一切必要手段，制止海盗及海上武装抢劫的行为。安理会为对会海盗专门通过了一项动用军事力量进行打击的决议，这，在联合国历史上可是前所未有的事情。     

关注“萨默德”导弹——“萨默德”导弹为何升温成热点

在联合国对伊核查过程中,“萨默德”Ⅱ导弹一时间成为人们关注的热点。2月14日,联合国监测、核查和视察委员会(监核会)主席布利克斯和国际原子能机构总干事巴拉迪在向安理会提交的第二份关于对伊武器核查报告中说,经联合国导弹专家鉴定,“萨默德”导弹射程超过了150公里,违反了安理会有关决议的规定。2月16日联合国在伊拉克的武器核查人员核查了伊拉克境内至少12个可疑地点,查封了一批伊拉克“萨默德”导弹并对导弹进行了标记和记录。2月18日联合国武器核查人员核查了伊拉克5处生产违禁导弹的场所,并封存了几十枚导弹。2月22日,布利克斯对伊…     

美国被迫出兵利比里亚

经过了长时间犹豫以后,7月25日,美国决定在利比里亚沿海部署“适当的军事力量”,以帮助西非国家维和部队在利比里亚的行动。据美国媒体报道,日前奉命从非洲之角附近海域前往地中海的3艘美军军舰中的“硫磺岛”号军舰可能执行这项任务。“硫磺岛”号军舰载有1900名海军陆战队员和30架直升机。 美国总统布什当天在解释这一决定时说,美国将在利比里亚部署的军队数量是有限的,任务也是有限的,其主要使命是帮助西非国家维和部队为利比里亚提供人道主义援助。联合国应该负责制订解决利比里亚危机的政治方案,以在短期内解除美军的任务。     

北方奔驰汽车再次走出国门执行国际维和任务

8月28日,70台北方奔驰汽车作为我国派驻国外维和部队装备车辆顺利发往维和部队,执行联合国赋予的维和任务。这是北方奔驰公司,继2003年为联合国驻利比里亚维和部队提供了101台后,又一次走出国门,为联合国提供的大批量车辆。     

防务

安理会通过制裁朝鲜新决议严厉谴责朝鲜核试验 联合国安理会3月7日一致通过关于朝鲜第三次核试验问题的新决议,首次将从事非法活动的朝鲜外交人员、银行业实体以及非法现金转账列入制裁范围,并进一步增加了旅行限制。这是联合国迄今对朝鲜实施的第四轮制裁,也是最严厉的制栽。决议表示,朝鲜不应使用弹道导弹技术进行进步发射,不应进行核试验,并应立即收回其退出《不扩散条约》的宣告。     

军事零讯

9月14日,联合国授予中国赴利比里亚维和官兵和平荣誉勋章。联合国秘书长副特别代表、驻利比里亚任     

联合国维和行动立法问题研究

从立法主体和立法形式的角度探讨联合国维持和平行动的立法问题。尽管联合国大会并不是维和行动适格的立法机构，但是维和行动的国际法依据是国家和国际组织在实践中长期形成的惯例。其立法主体资格实质上是一个共享问题，因此，由联合国组织立法应当是最为适宜的。就立法形式而言，采用由联合国主持缔结维和条约的形式最具有可行性，也最为合理。     

论联合国综合发展观中国本土化的实现——基于科学发展观的提出引发的思考

联合国综合发展观以联合国千年发展目标为具体实施方案，是一种对全球发展实践具有普遍指导意义和实际应用价值的综合发展思想。科学发展观是在科学判断我国国情，充分借鉴联合国综合发展观以及参照联合国千年发展目标的指标与要求的基础上提出的。科学发展观的提出使联合国综合发展观实现了中国的本土化，同时它也是我国从事理性化发展实践的理论起点。     

BANNING BIOLOGICAL WEAPONS

The Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) underpins the international regime to control biological weapons. The strength of the treaty however relies on national implementation. The first step for many states party to the Convention is drafting appropriate national laws and regulations. So far, 32 countries in Africa are signatory to the BTWC. More recently, in 2004, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 1540, which requires all UN Member States to put in place legislation to prevent the illicit trafficking of material that could be used to develop weapons of mass destruction. The need for such wide-ranging legislation is recognised African countries but its creation and implementation pose specific challenges.     

反商业贿赂立法的国际经验及其启示

旨在以世界的眼光观察中国的问题,借鉴国际经验,解决中国问题。不仅介绍了美国、德国和日本的反商业贿赂立法,而且对《联合国反腐败公约》——联合国向世界推荐的反腐败指南的相关规定做了详细介绍。在此基础上,提出了一些可资我国借鉴的立法经验。     

Repression Substitution: Shifting Human Rights Violations in Response to UN Naming and Shaming

Does the United Nations naming and shaming of specific violations of human rights decrease government repression? In this article, we argue that international shaming of specific human rights violations can weaken the target government, bringing new challenges and making the government cessation of repression less feasible. When international naming and shaming campaigns target specific repressive tactics, they increase the costs of some – but not all – means of repression. Using original data on naming and shaming by the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), we show that the shaming of one physical integrity violation is jointly associated with decreases in that violation and increases in other violations of human rights.     

‘Taylor must go’ – the strategy of the Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy

In 1999, rebels rose to oppose the newly elected former warlord Charles Taylor in Liberia. Motivated by a variety of reasons, the minimal common denominator of these rebels, who assumed the name Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD), was that Charles Taylor must leave the country. The decentralized nature of LURD though stands out in their struggle, as they don't fit the unitary actor assumed by literature on strategy, nor the alternative conception of decentralized forces fighting for purely local reasons. Understanding such aberrations as LURD is the first step to finding strategies that can incorporate and manage them.     

Justice empowered or justice hampered: The International Criminal Court in Darfur

It came as a surprise to many international observers when, on 31 March 2005, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1593, which referred the situation in Darfur to the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. Some celebrated this event as initiating a new era in which international criminal justice would prevail, but they might have done well to consider the objections immediately raised by the representatives of the Sudanese government, which was not a party to the ICC, a point that created a series of impediments to the implementation of the resolution. For all that the ICC has been charged with investigating crimes against humanity in Darfur, its investigators are being prevented from seeking the evidence on the ground essential to any successful prosecution. The Sudanese government has so far maintained its obstructive position, arguing that it is capable of handling such cases within its own sovereign jurisdiction. The imperative of excluding the ICC from Darfur has contributed to Khartoum's objections to the deployment of a UN force to replace the African Union mission there. In sum: the challenges faced by the ICC in Darfur demonstrate that international criminal justice does not operate in a political vacuum.     

Measuring Intermediate Outcomes of Liberia’s Disarmament,Demobilization, Rehabilitation and Reintegration Program

This paper re-analyzes data from a survey of ex-combatants in Liberia conducted in, to estimate the effect of Liberia’s Demobilization, Disarmament, Rehabilitation and Reintegration program on participants’ income and employment status. As program completion was not random, these estimates are biased. I use propensity score matching to obtain a more precise estimate. The results indicate a higher employment rate for those who complete the program, although there is consistently no effect on income. These results have implications for both evaluating the outcomes in Liberia and the integrated approach to ex-combatant reintegration that the program embodied.     

TOWARDS NEW PEACEKEEPING PARTNERSHIPS IN AFRICA?

The recent conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea has seen interesting developments in cooperation between international bodies and the Organisation of African Unity. The success of the OAU initiative and intervention in the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict is laudable, even at this early stage of assessment. A factor in this success has been the speed with which the OAU intervened and, subsequently, its close co-operation with facilitators, the United Nations and the European Union. This article provides an overview of the OAU's peacemaking initiatives and focuses on the implications of the OAU Liaison Mission in Ethiopia-Eritrea (OLMEE), future OAU peace support initiatives and the emergent division of labour between the OAU and the United Nations On the eve of the transition to the African Union, the contributions that the Organisation car successfully make within the context of a continent that remains wracked by civil conflict are of great importance. Its ability to react rapidly and intervene successfully will no doubt have a profound effect on the short-term implementation of the ideals of continental pacification.     

PEACEKEEPERS AS PERPETRATORS OF ABUSE

I am afraid there is clear evidence that acts of gross misconduct have taken place. This is a shameful thing for the United Nations to have to say, and I am absolutely outraged by it.

—Kofi Annan, United Nations Secretary-General

Despite promulgating a comprehensive set of guidelines to deter UN personnel from committing acts of sexual misconduct, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse have become widespread within United Nations peacekeeping missions. The policy of zero-tolerance for peacekeeper misconduct has not been matched by strong disciplinary measures, and crimes are often ignored and rarely punished: absentee fathers, rapists and murderers simply disappear back in their home countries. In countries where women and children rarely have the same economic resources, political rights and authority or control over their environment—or their bodies—they easily become prey for those in perceived positions of power and authority. By failing to hold those responsible to account, the UN may in fact be fuelling even greater discrimination and violence against women and children. In order to ensure those who are mandated to protect to do not become perpetrators of abuse, the UN must take a stronger stand against those who commit acts of sexual misconduct, and must ensure that victims see that their abuser is brought to justice and that reparation is offered. A recent report submitted by the Secretary-General's Special Envoy on Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse makes a comprehensive set of recommendations to prevent, detect, and respond to these allegations. The aim of this essay is to highlight some of the main points of the Special Envoy's report, and to examine the practical challenges the UN and troop/police contributing countries will face when attempting to implement these recommendations.