共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 62 毫秒
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针对目前网络性能评价中多元指标之间权重难以确定的问题,将信息熵理论应用于网络性能评价中.提出采用熵权方法确定指标权重,进而对网络性能进行评价的方法.为了获取反映不同网络状态的性能数据,采用网络仿真方法获得计算熵权所需的样本.实例表明,信息熵能够客观地反映各指标贡献信息量的大小,基于信息熵的熵权能够客观反映各指标的相对重要程度. 相似文献
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本文涉及的是在赋双权的二部图中求关于第一个权最大的限制下、第二个权最小的完美匹配的网络模型,给出了这一模型的有效算法,并用此算法解决了企业的优化组合分工中的挖潜问题。 相似文献
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《装甲兵工程学院学报》2018,(6)
以旅级战场通信网络为研究对象,战场通信网络节点的通信量为依据,选取战场通信网络节点的数据发送吞吐量、接收吞吐量和转发吞吐量作为评价指标,利用仿真工具建立了战场通信网络的仿真模型和业务模型,通过仿真运行统计得出各通信网络节点的评价指标数据,采用熵权法计算出各通信网络节点的熵权,实现通信网络节点的重要性排序并进行了验证。计算结果表明:利用战场通信网络节点的通信量和熵权法能有效客观地评价战场通信网络节点的重要性,可为决策部门提供数据参考。 相似文献
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作为美国追求全球网络霸权的一个重要组成部分,近些年,美军不断加强网络建设,开展网络制权的研究与实践,将制网权同制海权、制空权、制天权等一起看作是信息化战争取胜的关键,在全球率先组建网络战司令部,整合网络战资源,研究网络攻击模式,并不断深化“网络威慑”体系,以不断提升美军的网络战制胜能力。 相似文献
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近年来"颜色革命"表明,意识形态领域的斗争以新的科技手段为载体,网络舆论(心理)战作为新型网络战已经打响。以制脑权的视角分析了新型网络战的原理和作用,以及积极利用这一方式扩张霸权的霸权国家,并提出了应对制脑权斗争的思考建议。应对网络舆论战,应以自强为核心,以传媒为手段,以网络为重点,维护战略认知空间的安全。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Samantha Newbery 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(4):659-680
The UK’s interrogation operations during the conflict in Iraq (2003–2008) are often portrayed by the media as involving significant amounts of mistreatment. This article demonstrates that these practices are not necessarily representative of the UK’s interrogation operations across this conflict. In doing so it contributes to the limited literature on the practice of interrogation and on the UK’s combat operations in Iraq. The UK’s interrogation capability, and therefore its intelligence-gathering capability, is shown to have rested primarily with the military’s Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT). The JFIT suffered from limitations to the number, training and experience of its interrogators and interpreters. It is argued that maintaining a permanent, higher level of preparedness for interrogation by the British armed forces is desirable. 相似文献
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Richard Reid 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):1040-1069
ABSTRACT While the study of organised violence is considered essential to understanding the history of the West, and accordingly imbued with various layers of meaning and remembrance, war is widely regarded as inimical to the modern nation in Africa and stable development more broadly. Using examples drawn from primarily from East Africa, this paper considers the ways in which warfare in the deeper (‘precolonial’) past has been framed and envisioned in recent decades, in particular by governments whose own roots lie in revolutionary armed struggle and who began life as guerrilla movements. While in some cases particular elements of the deeper past were indeed mobilised in pursuit of contemporary political goals, in many other scenarios histories of precolonial violence were beheld as problematic and unworthy of remembrance. This paper highlights the paradox and ambiguity which has attended the memory of key aspects of Africa’s deeper past. 相似文献