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Under the administration of President George W. Bush, Pentagon rhetoric has increasingly articulated a more robust vision of space as a future battlefield. This analysis details some of the ongoing spending for research and development programs identified in current U.S. Air Force, Missile Defense Agency (MDA), and Defense Advanced Research and Planning Agency (DARPA) planning and budget documents related to “space control” and “space force projection.” This analysis finds that current support for “space superiority” and “space control” systems remains largely rhetorical—with little actual budgetary support. Unclassified technology development programs included in the six-year Future Years Defense Plan are a decade or more away from deployment. Programs related to offensive counterspace, space-based missile defense interceptors, and space-based strike total slightly less than $300 million in FY 2006 funding. We conclude significantly higher expenditures in research and development would be required to develop and deploy killer micro satellites, space-based missile defense interceptors, and military space planes. 相似文献
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Michael Barletta Clay Bowen Kimber Cramer R. Adam Moody 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(2):132-145
The material in this overview is drawn from selected abstracts that appear in the Center for Nonproliferation Studies’ nuclear and missile databases. Transactions of nuclear and missile technologies, parts, and materials are listed according o the recipient country. Other developments are listed according to the country where the event or development took place. 相似文献
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Michael Barletta Clay Bowen Kent Jamison Gaurav Kampani 《The Nonproliferation Review》2013,20(3):134-151
The material in this overview is drawn from selected abstracts that appear in the Center for Nonproliferation Studies' nuclear and missile databases. Transactions of nuclear and missile technologies, parts, and materials are listed according to the recipient country. Other developments are listed according to the country where the event or development took place. 相似文献
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Kobi Michael 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(3):421-446
The changes in the nature of warfare and its transformation toward Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) intrastate conflict have challenged the patterns of interaction between the political and the military echelons in Israel. It seems that the political echelon's superiority is maintained at the institutional and formal levels, but on the substantive level, which demands relying on knowledge and systematic staff work, the political echelon's position is weakened and loses its validity. Introducing the military echelon in Israel as an epistemic authority regarding the violent confrontation and the main outlines of the military knowledge development process might clarify why the absence of the required dialogue between the echelons and the weakness of the intellectual effort increased the military's influence over the shaping of Israeli conflict-management strategy. The argument's validity and its explanatory power can be found relevant for other countries whose militaries are deeply involved in the management of LIC. 相似文献
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In this paper we consider n jobs and a number of machines in parallel. The machines are identical and subject to breakdown and repair. The number may therefore vary over time and is at time t equal to m(t). Preemptions are allowed. We consider three objectives, namely, the total completion time, ∑ Cj, the makespan Cmax, and the maximum lateness Lmax. We study the conditions on m(t) under which various rules minimize the objective functions under consideration. We analyze cases when the jobs have deadlines to meet and when the jobs are subject to precedence constraints. © 2003 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2004. 相似文献
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