《国防科技》2020年发表文献和建设情况浅析

国防科技是具有基础性、引领性的战略工程,期刊聚焦于这一领域特色鲜明、使命艰巨。本文主要基于CNKI数据库和万方数据库,检索《国防科技》2020年发表的全部论文,对每篇论文的标题、作者、工作机构、基金项目和下载量等文献计量指标进行统计分析;同时,对本年度开展的质量建设相关工作进行回顾性定性阐述,旨在为2021年办刊工作提供参考,凝练发展思路。研究结果表明,“科技前沿”“装备动态”和“作战训练”等栏目深受作者喜爱,贴近国家和军队重大需求,针对学科发展前沿和关键性技术策划的选题以及组织的专题、专栏文章能够明显提升期刊影响力。持续提升学术质量和影响力始终是期刊建设的核心工作,特别是在培育形成相对稳定的高影响力作者、团队和机构,研究、跟踪并对标国际一流军事类学术期刊,开拓学术传播渠道和多元化形式等方面,《国防科技》还需要继续攻坚。     

巨型计算机的前端工作站的设计(软件部分)

巨型计算机的前端工作站是巨型计算机系统的重要组成部分,它实现了主处理机与前端处理机的互联。文章从功能与结构两个方面阐述了前端工作站的设计,并且简要地介绍了通讯协议。前端工作站已研制成功并正式投入了使用。     

What explains the failure of U.S. army reconstruction in Afghanistan?

ABSTRACT

This author wrote his doctorate thesis on post-conflict army reconstruction, submitting it in 2011. Continued research on the subject in the intervening seven years indicates that his theoretical propositions can be refined and improved. This article examines refinements to the model, and then applies those refinements in detail to the Afghan case. In so doing, it shifts the focus from potentially altruistic state-building to a case that was driven by pure national-strategic interests. Issues surrounding the liberal peace ideology dominate recent army reconstruction in conflict-affected states. The liberal peace underpinning is of supreme importance, so much so that in many discussions, it is internalised and accepted virtually without thought. This paper will advance the body of knowledge by establishing, for the first time, a theoretical basis for the widespread failure of army reconstruction in Afghanistan. The empirical basis builds on extensive previous research by other scholars. The resulting model can also be applied to better explain outcomes in other similar cases.     

美国网络安全人才培养机制

加强网络安全人才队伍建设已经成为世界主要国家抢占网络空间制高点的战略举措。近年来的研究表明,美国通过发布专门的网络安全人才培养国家战略,设立专门的网络安全人才培养卓越中心,开发专门的网络安全人才培养在线资源,形成了一套较为成熟的惠及全民的网安全人才培养机制。     

Japan and Extended Nuclear Deterrence: Security and Non-proliferation

ABSTRACT

To an observer, Japan’s approach to nuclear weapons can appear confused and contradictory. The only country to have been attacked with nuclear weapons is variously described as a pacifist and non-nuclear nation and as a proliferation threat. These widely varied and conflicting conclusions are understandable given that conflicting messages are sent by senior figures. However Japan’s stance is in fact a coherent, if not uncomplicated, response both to its security needs and to domestic public opinion. However, the security provided by US extended nuclear deterrence underlines and enables this approach. The key policies and decisions were taken in both Washington and Tokyo between China’s first nuclear test (1964) and Japan’s ratification of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (1976). How the United States came to offer this additional security guarantee to Japan and how Japan came to rely upon it underscore this complex stance and are crucial to understanding a longstanding and ongoing security arrangement and source of stability and security in northeast Asia.     

The Evolution of US Extended Deterrence and South Korea’s Nuclear Ambitions

ABSTRACT

Extended deterrence has been a main pillar of the security alliance between the United States and South Korea (Republic of Korea [ROK]) since the end of the Korean War. The changing dynamics of US extended deterrence in Korea, however, affected Seoul’s strategic choices within its bilateral alliance relationship with Washington. Examining the evolution of US extended deterrence in the Korean Peninsula until the Nixon administration, this article explains why South Korea began its nuclear weapons programme in a historical context of the US–ROK alliance relationship. This article argues that President Park Chung-hee’s increasing uncertainty about the US security commitment to South Korea in the 1960s led to his decision to develop nuclear weapons in the early 1970s despite the fact that US tactical nuclear weapons were still stationed in South Korea.     

美国“国家实验室”的属性辨识

美国国家实验室是美国国家创新的核心力量。常规英文搜索引擎通常检索不到"美国‘国家实验室’清单",目前国内已有文献大都将"联邦资助的研究与发展中心"等同于"国家实验室"。本文通过对"联邦资助的研究与发展中心"的深入比对分析,对美国"国家实验室"的类型进行了定量辨识,认为只有该国能源部"国家实验室"系列、国防部主管的Lincoln Laboratory、Aerospace Federally Funded Research and Development Center、National Defense Research Institute和美国国家航天局主管的Jet Propulsion Laboratory等与国内对"国家实验室"的共识基本一致。     

论联合国综合发展观中国本土化的实现——基于科学发展观的提出引发的思考

联合国综合发展观以联合国千年发展目标为具体实施方案，是一种对全球发展实践具有普遍指导意义和实际应用价值的综合发展思想。科学发展观是在科学判断我国国情，充分借鉴联合国综合发展观以及参照联合国千年发展目标的指标与要求的基础上提出的。科学发展观的提出使联合国综合发展观实现了中国的本土化，同时它也是我国从事理性化发展实践的理论起点。     

Desert insurgency: lessons from the third Tuareg rebellion

This article provides an in-depth examination and analysis of the 2006–2009 Tuareg rebellion in Mali and Niger. It identifies the underlying reasons behind the rebellion, explores contrasting counter-insurgency (COIN) strategies employed by the two governments, and presents some lessons learned. While both COIN approaches ultimately produced similar peace settlements, the article argues that the Malian strategy of reconciliation combined with the selective use of force was far more effective than the Nigerien iron fist approach at limiting the size and scope of the insurgency and producing a more sustainable peace. It concludes by looking at the role of external actors, particularly the United States, and how the failure to internationalize the conflict was actually more beneficial to the local COIN effort, as well as to the longer strategic interests of the United States in the region.     

Exporting professionalism: US efforts to reform the armed forces in the Dominican Republic and Nicaragua, 1916–1933

Why did the United States, a country notorious for supporting coups and military dictatorships in Latin America during the Cold War, seek to depoliticize security forces in the Caribbean basin during the early twentieth century? Drawing from primary sources, I argue that this emphasis on military non-partisanship abroad stemmed from Progressive Era reforms popular at home. These reforms, which stressed bureaucratic efficiency via nonpartisan expertise, had become institutionalized within the US military and State Department and then channelled into the imperial administration of Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic. The State Department and Marine Corps attempted to replace local partisan armies with the kind of professional, nonpartisan armed forces that the US's own military had come to exemplify. That these civil-military reform efforts ultimately backfired should serve as a reminder of the difficulties inherent in using military interventions to transform coercive apparatuses and their societies.