一种非对称鲁棒性盲水印算法

针对数字图像版权保护,提出一种非对称鲁棒性盲数字水印方法。通过将水印嵌入到最少受图像改变影响的子空间,使嵌入水印具有鲁棒性,且通过对特征子空间的选取限制,使算法具有较高的检测概率和安全性以及较低的虚警概率。同时,水印嵌入矩阵与提取矩阵不同,它可公开除密钥外的所有其它的信息,而且能实现水印盲提取。实验结果证明了该算法的鲁棒性。     

基于离散降雨衰耗状态的卫星信道模型

针对Ka频段卫星信道中降雨衰耗的统计分布特点,建立了基于离散降雨衰耗状态的卫星信道模型,模型中各状态组成离散的Markov链并由其转移概率矩阵来表示,分析此模型下的信道误比特性能和数据包丢失性能。此模型能够适用于链路层以及高层通信协议。     

战术通信网组网方案评估优选方法

在当前信息化的战场环境下,战场环境瞬息万变,战术通信网作为信息化战争的神经中枢,起到了至关重要的作用,然而组网方案的好坏直接决定着通信网性能的优劣,因此,如何在战场环境下快速、自动、客观地评估战术通信网组网方案是一个亟待解决的问题。通过分析战术通信网的特性和要求,提出了战术通信网组网方案评估指标体系,并采用熵权灰关联的方法对组网方案进行评估优选,该方法方便快捷并且可以编程实现,不仅能够在战场环境下实时、自动地对组网方案进行评估优选,而且评估结果也符合实际情况,为指挥员提供了决策依据。     

固定节点3D网格部署的水下传感器网络分簇路由算法

水下传感器网络是应用于水下通信的重要传感器网络技术。提出了基于固定节点3D网格部署的水下无线传感器网络分簇算法,设计了3D网格的编址和分簇方法,实现了基于地址分配的节点定位,构建了算法的能耗分析模型。采用MATLAB完成了算法的性能仿真,对比了DS-VBF、IAR和GEDAR 3个算法的平均数据传输延迟和网络生存时间(TTL)。实验结果表明,此算法的平均数据传输延迟较短,可明显提高UWSNS的生存时间。     

坦克直瞄/间瞄射击一体化火控技术

直瞄射击方式是目前坦克采用的主要射击方式。直瞄射击方式受战场通视度及瞄准装置视距的影响,最大射击距离一般在5 km左右。间瞄射击方式不需要直接瞄准目标,不受战场通视度的影响,最大射击距离主要取决于火炮及弹药的性能,一般在10 km以上。未来坦克应具备直瞄射击与间瞄射击一体化能力。通过直瞄/间瞄射击火控技术的对比与分析,提出坦克直瞄/间瞄射击一体化火控方案。一体化火控具有新的技术特色,具有更强的综合作战能力,是未来坦克火控技术发展的一种趋势。     

可靠UDP协议栈的FPGA实现

基于Xilinx公司的Virtex-5系列FPGA开发板,采用VHDL硬件描述语言,并运用模块化的设计理念,参考TCP_IP协议栈的工作机制,设计并实现了一个具有接收确认及漏发重发功能的可靠的UDP_IP网络通信协议栈。同时,设计并实现了一个以太网控制器,该控制器与UDP_IP协议一起构成一个完整的网络通信链路协议。经过上板测试验证,该通信协议栈能正确高效地完成网络数据的发送和接收等工作,且稳定性良好。     

Leadership and national security: an interrogation of the Boko Haram violence in Nigeria

This study contends that an analysis of the nexus between leadership and security offers useful insights into explaining conflict by stating that the conceptualisation of these argots, especially through the definition of leadership as a process, helps to explain and address Nigeria’s security challenges. By arguing that leaders’ ability to establish mutuality with their followers in any situation and set collectively-generated means for attaining these set goals for societal security, the study shows how such a relationship creates a secured state. This is not the case in Nigeria, where leaders’ security decisions are influenced by external actors rather than by their followers. By showing that the Nigerian ruling elite’s security agendas intersect with dominant global notions of security while neglecting genuine security interests of ordinary Nigerians, the study contextualises the complex global and local security interests in Nigeria. The lack of an intersection at home, however, has contributed to the emergence of extremists such as the Boko Haram sect, as well as the escalation of the acts of violence they perpetrate. As national insecurities become complex and intractable, ‘elegant’ or unilinear solutions – such as a military approach – lack the capacity to address these problems.     

Too much Western bias? The need for a more culturally adaptable approach to post-conflict security sector reform

The existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes.     

Security sector reform in Africa: Donor approaches versus local needs

Many African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually.     

Educate or Adjudicate? Socioeconomic Heterogeneity and Welfare

I present a formal framework to explore the welfare and distributional effects of a government’s optimal choice over two types of public spending in a closed economy: domestic security (DS) and investment in social capital (SC). Production is characterized as a function of social and physical capital stocks that both vary across the regions. DS stands for total factor productivity, while SC stands for human capital and civic cooperativeness combined. SC accumulates via public spending on universal primary education, cultural, and civic events and such, and is exposed to regional spillover effects. Numerical simulations of the static solution of the government’s welfare maximization problem reveal that the optimal rate of spending on SC (m^*) is negatively related with the income share of physical capital, SC spillovers and fiscal decentralization. Simulations also show that SC homogeneity is positively associated with both the level and equitability of aggregate income. The maximum attainable levels of income, welfare and social cohesion and the most equitable incomes are all observed to realize at some intermediate range of m^* values. In case DS augments SC, however, social cohesion improves and welfare declines monotonously in m^*.