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361.
曾力宁  黄朝峰 《国防科技》2020,41(6):134-141
以自主武器为代表的人工智能正在掀起一场新的军事革命。保罗·沙瑞尔所著的《无人军队:自主武器与未来战争》一书通过技术概念解释、各路专家访谈与大量战场实例,深入浅出地探讨了自主武器的内涵、特点与影响。本文基于该书内容,结合相关文献、书籍、评论等资料,首先对自主武器与无人军队的内涵、现阶段的运用情况进行简要介绍;其次,通过对自主武器技术内核的分析,简要介绍自主武器在各类战争样式的运用、存在的反为敌方利用的可欺骗性风险和故障发生后产生更严重后果的不稳定性风险;最后从三方面总结自主武器对战争其他方面的影响,即对军队建设模式提出更高要求,对国际战略稳定的双重作用以及对战争法与战争伦理道德的挑战。  相似文献   
362.
Search theory originates from the military research efforts of WWII. Most researchers of that period modeled their search games in noncooperative games, where players are enemies or compete against each other. In this article, we deal with a cooperative search game, where multiple searchers behave cooperatively. First we describe several search problems and discuss the possibility of a coalition or cooperation among searchers. For the cooperative search game, we define a function named quasi‐characteristic function, which gives us a criterion similar to the so‐called characteristic function in the general coalition game with transferable utility. The search operation includes a kind of randomness with respect to whether the searchers can detect a target and get the value of the target. We also propose a methodology to divide the obtained target value among members of the coalition taking account of the randomness. As a concrete problem of the cooperative search game, we take the so‐called search allocation game, where searchers distribute their searching resources to detect a target in a cooperative way and the target moves in a search space to evade the searchers. Lastly, we discuss the core of the cooperative search allocation game. © 2009 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics, 2009  相似文献   
363.
多种武器攻击下舰艇装备生命力的加权模糊综合评估   总被引:5,自引:1,他引:4  
通过应用模糊数学理论中模糊评估法对舰艇装备系统生命力进行了模糊评判 ,建立多武器攻击下舰艇装备生命力加权模糊评估模型 ,并以某舰艇装备的主动力系统回路为例 ,运用所建立的评估模型对其生命力进行具体评估 ,结果分析表明根据加权模糊综合评判模型 ,选用合理的加权系数 ,就能把模糊性很强的装备生命力指标定量化 ,为设备系统设计方案选优提供依据。  相似文献   
364.
ABSTRACT

In 2019, the geostrategic landscape of South Asia significantly changed. A crisis between India and Pakistan involved air strikes across international boundaries for the first time since the 1971 war. Pakistan came close to economic collapse, while India re-elected hawkish Narendra Modi as prime minister in a landslide. These developments, alongside the United States’ efforts to strike a deal to leave Afghanistan and rapidly improving US-India relations, portend new challenges for Pakistan’s security managers—challenges that nuclear weapons are ill-suited to address. Despite the shifting security and political situation in the region, however, Pakistan’s nuclear posture and doctrine seem unlikely to change. This article explores the roots of Pakistan’s reliance on the traditional predictions of the nuclear revolution, most notably the notion that nuclear-armed states will not go to war with one another, and argues that this reliance on nuclear deterrence is a response both to Pakistan’s security environment and to serious constraints on moving away from nuclear weapons toward an improved conventional force posture. Pakistan’s central problems remain the same as when it first contemplated nuclear weapons: the threat from India, the absence of true allies, a weak state and a weaker economy, and few friends in the international system. While 2019 may have been a turning point for other states in the region, Pakistan is likely to stay the course.  相似文献   
365.
ABSTRACT

Over the last five decades, India’s nuclear and space programs have gone through several phases, from collaboration to divorce to supportive. An interplay of two factors determined the nature of the relationship. One was the state of India’s nuclear-weapon program. The second was international conditions, especially India’s relationship with the nuclear-nonproliferation regime. In the early decades, because of the rudimentary nature of India’s nuclear and space programs, the relationship was collaborative, since the rocket technology being developed was a necessary adjunct to the nuclear-weapon program. Subsequently, as India’s rocketry capabilities and nuclear-weapon program began to mature and concerns about international sanctions under the non-proliferation regime began to grow, the two programs were separated. The Indian rocketry program was also divided, with the civilian-space and ballistic-missile programs clearly demarcated. After India declared itself a nuclear-weapon state in 1998 and the programs matured, the relationship has become more supportive. As the two programs mature further, this relationship is likely to deepen, as the nuclear-weapon program requires space assets to build a robust and survivable nuclear deterrent force.  相似文献   
366.
ABSTRACT

Under what conditions are cyber-weapons effective in nuclear counter-proliferation? With continued interest in nuclear proliferation professed by Iran, North Korea, and Saudi Arabia, a discussion of the effectiveness of counter-proliferation measures remains relevant. Cyber-attacks as military option in a state-on-state conflict still requires additional corroborating evidence to make conclusions about its long-term effectiveness. This work analyses the general applicability of cyber-weapons and their usefulness in nuclear counter-proliferation. Through a comparative case study of Operation Orchard, Stuxnet, and recent “Left-of-Launch” operations against North Korea, the essay finds that cyber-operations are not particularly effective against nuclear programmes that are in the later stages of their development. They can disrupt and delay a nuclear programme temporarily, if the attack remains clandestine, but cannot halt nuclear proliferation all together. However, effectiveness increases if they are used in combination with conventional weapons. The article addresses a topic of interest to national-level decision-makers: whether cyber-operations can and should play a role in nuclear counter-proliferation.  相似文献   
367.
多操纵面战斗机飞行控制系统设计   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
现代多操纵面战斗机飞行控制系统多采用非线性控制方法进行设计,其中逆系统方法具有物理概念清晰、参数对应明确、无不确定性算法、容易结合传统经验等优点,易于工程实现.将该方法应用于多操纵面战斗机的基本控制律设计,使用多层简化设计,改进了多操纵面的控制分配策略,并针对某型多操纵面战斗机六自由度模型进行数字仿真,效果良好.  相似文献   
368.
Although most styles of military ethics are hybrids that draw on multiple ethical theories, they are usually based primarily on the model of Aristotelian virtue ethics. Virtue ethics is well-suited for regulating the conduct of soldiers who have to make quick decisions on the battlefield, but its applicability to military personnel is threatened by the growing use of unmanned weapon systems. These weapons disrupt virtue ethics’ institutional and cultural basis by changing what it means to display virtue and transforming the roles soldiers perform and the nature of the military profession itself. I argue that in light of these challenges to virtue ethics, at least as it is traditionally understood within the armed forces, soldiers operating unmanned weapons require a more heavily rule-based approach to military ethics.  相似文献   
369.
在一个暴露时间有限的反潜作战想定背景下,提出了评估该作战过程的效能指标,建立了相应的模型,并把武器协同共用条件下的作战结果与传统作战模式的结果作比较,结论表明,武器协同共用作战模式能够有效改善各项作战效能指标,是提高作战效能的有效手段。  相似文献   
370.
从武警部队执行中心任务需求出发,分析了防暴驱散车的功能要求,提出了防暴驱散车作战武器配置方案,建立了防暴驱散车作战效能评估模型。运用模糊层次分析法,通过模糊互补判断矩阵及最小方差算法,将定性分析与定量分析相结合,实现了对防暴驱散车作战效能的评估。  相似文献   
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