习近平军民融合重大战略思想的科学内涵

习近平军民融合重大战略思想,是在新的历史条件下统筹经济建设与国防建设发展的重要指导理论,是具有中国特色的军事指导理论的重要组成部分.习近平关于军民融合重大战略思想的科学内涵,主要应从战略选择、问题导向、发展目标、基本要求四个方面把握.从战略选择看,把军民融合上升为国家战略,是我们长期探索经济建设和国防建设协调发展规律的重大成果,是从国家安全和发展战略全局出发作出的重大决策;从问题导向看,我国军民融合发展还存在思想观念跟不上、顶层统筹统管体制缺乏、政策法规和运行机制滞后、工作执行力度不够等问题;从发展目标看,是要形成全要素、多领域、高效益的军民融合深度发展格局;从基本要求看,推进军民融合深度发展,要强化大局意识、强化改革创新、强化战略规划、强化法治保障.     

推进国家战略

<正>关于军民融合,习近平总书记曾在多个场合谈到,但在今年两会上首次明确提出"把军民融合发展上升为国家战略"。习近平强调,把军民融合发展上升为国家战略,是我们长期探索经济建设和国防建设协调发展规律的重大成果,是从国家安全和发展战略全局出发作出的重大决策。今年"四个全面"战略布局统筹推进,"一带一路"国家战略将进入实质落地阶段。在这个宏大格局中,军民融合深度发展迎来前所未有的历史机遇。军民深度融合如何乘势而上,在两会期间习近平指出,推动军民融合深度发展,要努力形成统一领导、     

科学筹划和深入推进国防工业军民融合发展国际化(上)

<正>深入实施国家军民融合发展战略,加快形成全要素、多领域、高效益军民融合深度发展格局,不仅要求破除军民二元分离格局,推进军民深度融合,而且需要打破内向型封闭发展格局,推进军民融合发展国际化。国防工业是军民融合发展的最重要领域,也是军民融合发展国际化的最重要领域。国防工业军民融合发展国际化具有自身特定内涵和发展要求。国防工业作为保障国家安全     

深入实施武器装备建设军民融合发展战略

<正>军民融合,是习主席治国治军的重大方略。自党的十八大以来,习主席把军民融合深度发展作为富国强军的重大战略举措,作为"落一子而全盘活"的改革重点,作出一系列重要指示。今年两会上,习主席强调要"深入实施军民融合发展战略,努力开创强军兴军新局面",第一次把军民融合上升为国家战略,第一次全面部署军民融合发展战略,这充分彰显了习主席推动军民融合深度发展的决心意志和使命担当。     

深入实施军民融合发展战略的意义和路径

把军民融合发展上升为国家战略,充分展现了党中央在国家总体战略中统筹安全与发展的战略智慧和远见卓识,是我们党长期探索经济建设和国防建设协调发展规律的重大成果,必须深刻认识军民融合在我国发展战略中的重要意义,并切实按照“四个强化”要求,加强顶层体制统筹、破解军民二元结构,强化需求牵引、促进军民双向深度互动,健全激励约束机制、激发融合内生动力,促进军民融合发展战略真正落地生根。     

关于军民融合大交通体系建设的几点思考

党的十九大报告把军民融合发展战略作为七大国家战略之一,明确提出要"更加注重军民融合"。必须将交通领域军民融合视作整个军民融合深度发展的重要突破口,建设军民融合大交通体系。提出以新形势下军事战略方针为统揽,以军民深度融合为途径,聚焦保障军队打赢,大力推进民用交通设施工具贯彻要求;依托国家路网基础,大力推进军地交通运输网络统筹纳入;强化应战应急一体,大力推进各种交通力量建设互补衔接;着眼战略投送能力,大力推进军民交通物流体系有机结合。     

深入学习习近平总书记重要讲话精神 推动军民融合发展在国防科技工业领域率先实现突破

<正>军民融合事关国防建设和经济建设,事关国家安全和发展。实施军民融合发展战略,是党中央立足时代发展要求、着眼国际形势变化作出的战略判断,是应对复杂安全威胁、赢得国家战略优势的重大举措。6月20日,习近平总书记主持召开中央军民融合发展委员会第一次全体会议时指出,"当前和今后一个时期是军民融合的战略机遇期,也是军民融合由初步融合向深度融合过     

加强军民融合深度发展法治保障

党的第十八届四中会议通过的《中共中央关于全面推进依法治国若干重大问题的决定》作出的"加强军民融合深度发展法治保障"战略部署,是继党的十八届三中全会确立的"推动军民融合深度发展"战略部署的又一重大举措,是建设中国特色社会主义法治体系和社会主义法治国家的题中之意,是用制度规范和保障军民融合发展的内在要求,也是加快推动军民融合深度发展的必然抉择。确立军民融合发展法治思维确立军民融合法治方式,加强军民融合深度发展法治保障,必须牢固确立军民融合发展法治思维。树立推动军民融合深度发展法治意识。     

湖南国防科技工业军民融合深度发展研究

推动军民融合深度发展,是党的十八届三中全会提出的明确要求,也是当前和今后一段时期国防科技工业一项重大战略任务。作为传统的制造业大省和军工大省,湖南省推动军民融合已具备较好的"产学研"基础。为促进湖南国防科技工业军民融合深度发展,紧贴制造强省战略,分析了湖南国防科技工业军民融合深度发展面临的形势要求,阐述了湖南国防科技工业军民融合深度发展的重点领域,给出了推动湖南国防科技工业军民融合深度发展的有效途径。     

紧紧围绕改革强军大局努力推动国防动员和后备力量建设军民深度融合发展

军民融合发展是党中央、习主席从国家安全和发展战略全局出发作出的重大决策，是在全面建成小康社会进程中实现富国和强军相统一的必由之路。必须认清形势任务，切实强化推动国防动员和后备力量建设军民深度融合发展的政治责任；抓住关键发力，不断提升国防动员和后备力量建设军民深度融合发展的质量效益；加强组织领导，积极构建国防动员和后备力量建设军民深度融合发展的良好格局。     

Ethnicity,class, and civil war: the role of hierarchy,segmentation, and cross-cutting cleavages

Why are some countries prone to ethno-nationalist conflict, whereas others are plagued by class conflict? This is a question that has seldom been raised and rarely been examined empirically. This paper presents a social-structural theory to account for the variable incidence of these two forms of political instability. These two types of conflict result from distinct principles of group solidarity – ethnicity and class – and since each individual is simultaneously a member of an ethnic group (or many such groups) and a particular class, these two principles vary in the degree to which they are mutually exclusive or cross-cutting. The degree of economic stratification between groups and economic segmentation within them shapes the relative salience of each principle of group solidarity in any society and is associated with a characteristic form of political mobilization. In places where between-group inequalities are high, and within-group inequalities low, ethnicity should be the dominant principle of group solidarity and serve as the primary basis of group conflict. By contrast, in countries where between-group inequalities are low, and within-group inequalities high, class is more likely to serve as the dominant principle of group solidarity, and conflicts along class lines are more likely. We test these conjectures with data in over 100 countries on cross-cutting cleavages, ethnic war, and class conflict. The results are supportive of the theory, and provide evidence that how groups are stratified and segmented in societies shapes the type of civil war.     

The Freemasons' Sword of State Presented by Thomas, 8th Duke of Norfolk,to Mark His Year of Offi ce as 13th Grand Master of Grand Lodge, 1730, Signed 'Frater G. Moody,Fecit', now at Freemasons' Hall,London

Abstract

The Freemasons' Sword of State presented by Thomas, 8th Duke of Norfolk in 1730, a token made by the royal sword-cutler, freemason and swordbearer, George Moody, is described and illustrated. The sword's presentation is discussed, the gift is placed into its historical context, its iconography is assessed and the life of the manufacturer is examined. Two other relevant swords at Freemasons' Hall, London are also discussed.     

基于扩张观测器的三维有限时间收敛导引律

为了保证视线角速率在弹目碰撞前收敛到零附近的较小邻域内从而达到准平行接近的状态,本文基于自抗扰控制的不确定性估计补偿思想,应用反演控制方法设计了一种考虑导弹自动驾驶仪二阶动态特性和目标机动的三维有限时间收敛导引律。根据有限时间收敛控制理论,严格证明了系统的有限时间收敛特性;为抑制量测噪声,将传统跟踪微分器进行改进并应用于扩张状态观测器与反演控制的设计中。仿真结果表明:在自动驾驶仪响应延迟情况下,所设计的导引律能够导引导弹在有限时间内精确地拦截高速机动目标;改进的跟踪微分器精度高、响应快;基于改进跟踪微分器的扩张观测器估计效果理想。     

READY,SET, TRACE

Tracing small arms and light weapons has been identified as an important component in reducing the illicit trafficking of weapons to regions of conflict as well as use in violent crime. At the national, regional and international levels policy makers and practitioners are working to make tracing more effective. This article outlines some of the key elements of an effective tracing regime and reviews where areas of agreement currently exist. It concludes with observations on some of the challenges facing countries as they try to implement these systems and respond to the problem of illicit arms trafficking.     

Risk,War, and the Dangers of Soldier Identity

The profession of arms is distinct from other professions for many reasons. One reason which is not so obvious is that, unlike members of other professions, soldiers may go their entire careers preparing for a day that never arrives. All things considered, we should think this to be a very good thing. For soldiers, however, this can feel somewhat odd, since there is a natural desire to want to feel useful and to see one’s role and purpose find realization. Accordingly, the common soldier is forced to adopt a rather paradoxical mindset, one of longing for peace, and therefore for uselessness, while at the same time longing to be useful, which would entail that there be a war. This latter desire to be useful and to vindicate one’s identity as a soldier can sometimes take on an unhealthy life of its own. The pull of wanting too strongly to live up to a warrior identity, I argue, can sometimes skew a soldier’s ability to assess risk rationally. This article will therefore investigate how a soldier’s concept of self influences his or her overall capacity to evaluate risk in war and when such influence might become morally problematic.     

Rossellini,Pontecorvo, and the neorealist cinema of insurgency

This article examines the tradition of Italian neorealism and the importance it has for films depicting guerrilla insurgencies. It looks in particular at the two films by Roberto Rossellini Rome Open City and Paisa as well as the later film by Nanni Loy Four Days in Naples. It then proceeds to locate Gillo Pontecorvo's iconic film The Battle of Algiers within this neorealist tradition and examines the degree to which the director succeeded in continuing the basic traditions of neorealism into the context of the Algerian war of Independence. The article concludes that while this film remains of great interest it should be situated in the period when it was produced and is in many ways radically disconnected from many insurgent movements of the present day.