论明清战争中火炮发展的重要作用

明清之际,僻居辽东一隅的女真人为何最终竟能夺取大明皇朝的万里江山,对此问题虽然历来史著均从双方政治状况与军事战略策略方面详加论述,但是却都忽视了对进行战争的重要前提条件和取得战争胜利的客观基础——物质因素,进行认真的辩证分析。战争是暴力的冲突,战争力量是物质力量和精神力量的统一,而物质力量则是这种暴力的基础。恩格斯就曾明确指出:“暴力的胜利是以武器的生产为基础的,”是“以暴力所拥有的物质资料为     

马克思恩格斯武器装备思想探析

马克思恩格斯是无产阶级暴力革命的倡导者和实践者,他们对武器装备在战争和军队建设的重要作用所作的精辟论述,对于当前我军的现代化建设仍然具有十分重要的指导意义。一、武器装备的发展依赖于社会生产力和科学技术的进步恩格斯指出,暴力不是单独的意志行为,“在任何地方和任何时候,都是经济的条件和资源帮助‘暴力’取得胜利,没有它们,暴力就不成其为暴力”,他进一步指出：“暴力的胜利是以武器的生产为基础的,而武器的生产又是以整个生产为基础,因而是以‘经济力量’,以‘经济情况’,以暴力所拥有的物质资料为基础的。”通过…     

暴力恐怖分子是各民族共同的敌人

新疆发生的"4·23"、"6·26"等一系列暴力恐怖案件,是民族分裂分子策划实施的严重暴力恐怖犯罪活动。犯罪分子残杀执法人员和无辜群众,不论男女,不论民族,充分暴露了他们反人类、反社会的真面目,其险恶用心就是破坏民族团结,危害社会稳定,达到分裂国家的目的。这种暴力恐怖行径是伊斯兰教所不能容忍     

暴力探源

本文通过分析“暴”的字象结构（从日从手从出从米），追溯了暴力的历史原型。由此呈现暴力的基本结构：“日”为暴力主体，“米”为暴力客体（对象），“手”和“出”为暴力手段。进而指出暴力的基本特征：阉割。最后通过比较“正”（政治的汉字原型）和“暴”的字象结构，揭示了暴力的本质属性，以及与战争、政治的内在联系。     

论处置边境暴力突发事件中的边防情报工作

处置边境暴力突发事件是武警边防部队履行边防保卫工作任务的重要职责,加强对处置边境突发事件的对策研究,建立适应处置边境暴力突发事件特点的情报工作体系,是提高处置边境暴力突发事件整体防控能力,维护沿边地区政治稳定和社会安定的有力保障.在论述边防情报在边境处突工作中的作用、处突情报工作的原则和处突情报的特征的基础上,探讨边防处突情报工作中存在的问题及加强和改进的对策.     

提升公安边防部队应对暴力恐怖袭击事件能力的思考

当前,国内暴力恐怖袭击事件呈多发态势,给社会和人民生命财产安全带来极大危害。公安边防部队作为一支维护边境地区安全稳定的重要武装力量,应高度重视在应对暴力恐怖袭击工作中存在的突出问题,从适应处突任务实际出发,树立临战观念,拓宽信息渠道,强化机制建设,优化力量体系,增加硬件投入,加强警种互动,不断加强专业研究和实战化训练,努力提高应对暴力恐怖袭击事件的能力。     

互联网时代网络暴力的形成、特征及应对策略

当今社会已经进入互联网时代,互联网在人们的工作、生活中的地位越来越重要。但是人们在利用互联网便利的同时,也在利用互联网对其他人造成伤害,这就是社会中存在的网络暴力现象。人们通过互联网的渠道,对其他人或者群体发表不当的言论,进而形成了一种群体效应,对于受害者造成了非常严重的影响,有些受害者甚至因为网络暴力丢失了自身的性命。网络暴力是在无形中对其他人造成隐性伤害,这种伤害往往比一些实质性的伤害对人的影响更大,更多的是一种心理上的创伤,我们应该高度重视网络暴力事件。     

"漳厦金战役"金门失利原因探究

从厦门战役胜利的角度反思金门战斗,是学界最近一个时期以来研究金门战役失利的重要内容.金门作战具有决定胜负意义的渡海运载工具、潮汐规律及指挥决策等方面出现的失误,是战役失利的主要原因.而先期取得胜利的厦门战役对金门作战产生的负面影响也是一个不可忽视的因素.     

全民团结是抗战胜利的政治基础

全民团结是抗战胜利的政治基础刘清波抗日战争是中国近代史上反对外国侵略战争中,第一次取得完全胜利的民族解放战争。抗战能取得最后的胜利,民族觉醒是内在动力,独立自主是基本保证,而全民族空前广泛的团结,则为抗战的最后胜利奠定了坚实的政治基础。毛泽东同志曾指...     

义和团运动的启示

科学分析,正确评价百年前的义和团运动,对于总结历史经验,继承历史遗产,实现中华民族在新世纪的全面复兴,具有重要意义.义和团运动给我们的启示主要有四点一是爱国主义是中华民族生生不息、繁荣昌盛的不竭动力;二是正确的纲领是把革命和建设事业引向胜利的关键;三是坚强的领导和有效的组织是革命和建设事业取得胜利的保证;四是科学的理论指导是革命和建设事业取得胜利的基础.     

论打击防范“三股势力”犯罪的立法完善

国际恐怖主义和包括“东突”势力在内的民族分裂主义、宗教极端势力和暴力恐怖势力等“三股势力”是危害我国社会和谐、国家安全的主要因素之一。坚持依法打击和防范是治本之策，但现行相关法律还存在着许多空白和不足之处，亟待完善。为此，建议国家积极与周边国家签订或完善打击防范“三股势力”的双边或多边合作协定，充实协作机构；进一步完善刑法、刑事诉讼法和刑侦、安全、边检、金融等法律在打击和防范“三股势力”犯罪方面的具体规定；适时出台《反“三股势力”法》。     

More Attacks,Less Violence

A response to John Stone, Dale Peterson, and Gary McGraw on cyber war.     

Is Shia-Sunni Violence on the Rise? Exploring New Data on Intra-Muslim Organised Violence 1989-2017

This data study provides the first comprehensive empirical overview of organised violence across the Shia and Sunni Muslim divide, 1989–2017. We present a conceptual framework of sectarian dimensions of armed conflicts: sectarian identities; sectarian ideologies; and sectarian alliances. Our analysis demonstrates the extent to which organised violence has been fought across the Shia-Sunni divide. We also explore the sectarian identity dimension in non-state armed conflicts and one-sided violence. Overall, our study shows that most of the organised violence across the Shia-Sunni divide is driven by states, rebel groups, and militias, rather than communities.     

Violence and the state: Lessons from Colombia

Whether or not Colombia has improved is a controversial topic. If improvement has occurred, what, if any, lessons from the Colombian model can be learned? The first lesson is that Colombia's problems were caused more by a weak state than by drugs. The second lesson is that improving state capacity requires more than just increased security. The state must also provide the basic social services that citizens require to gain and maintain their support. Additionally, government institutions need to improve their professionalism, protect human rights, and root out impunity and corruption. The alternative is to suffer from new cycles of violence as old foes are vanquished, but new ones emerge.     

Leaderless Global Jihadism: The Paradox of Discriminate Violence

Jihadist violence is typically associated with being particularly indiscriminate. Often, as in variations of the ‘new terrorism’ thesis, this characteristic is proposed to correspond in some way to its other attributes such as its globalised, decentralised and ‘postmodern’ religious nature. Recent work appears to give more substance to such claims, by claiming to show a relationship between indiscriminate violence and decentralised group organisation. However, in this paper we show, based on an analysis of jihadist targeting in Western Europe and America from 2001 to 2013, that targeting choices by jihadists unconnected to organised militant groups have in fact been consistently more, rather than less discriminate in their targeting choices than their better-integrated peers. Drawing on this finding, as well as a broader reading of jihadist targeting discourses, we argue for a more complex understanding of the relationship between radicalisation, extremist ideology, decentralisation, and targeting choice.     

The Fire Within: Naxalite Insurgency Violence in India

India is at a crossroads today. While it is fast emerging as a global power with a vibrant democratic polity, a robust economy and a nuclear-weapons capable military, the country is also witnessing a growing polarisation between the rich and poor and between urban and rural areas, a rise in communal tensions, large numbers of suicides by impoverished and indebted farmers and a spurt in terrorist activities and attacks by various disgruntled organisations and groups. Of these various challenges, as attested to by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh himself, the most dangerous threat to India's territorial integrity, prosperity and wellbeing has come from the Naxalite insurgency or ‘people's war’ that is manifest in large areas of eastern, central and southern India. But what factors account for the formation and persistence of Naxalite insurgency in India? What are the key objectives of the Naxalites and why is violence directed against the Indian State? And how has the Indian State (both central and state governments) responded to the Naxalite insurgency and with what effect? These are the main research questions that we attempt to answer in this paper. We put forward two broad arguments. First, the Naxalite insurgency in India is the latest manifestation of peasant struggles caused by grinding poverty, exploitation and inequality that have prevailed in rural areas for centuries. What sustains these struggles to this day is the fact that socio-economic conditions in rural areas have changed little and the policies followed by the post-independent Indian State have generally failed to mitigate rural problems. Second, the Naxalite insurgency has emerged as the most dangerous threat mainly due to the movement's spatial spread, growing support base in tribal and backward areas and enhanced fighting capabilities. The Indian State has viewed the movement as a ‘law and order’ problem and responded with force. But a ‘law and order’ approach to the Naxalite insurgency is unlikely to produce a lasting resolution of the problem, since it would not effectively redress deep-rooted grievances felt by a majority of India's rural poor for decades.     

Ideoscapes in the World Society: Framing Violence in Somalia

The article uses the example of the Somali war to analyse how globally travelling ideas and political concepts are adapted to local settings and translated into frames that promote collective action and feature violence. It outlines how two ideas with universal claim, nationalism and modernisation were combined with an anti-colonial rhetoric and evolved into the meta-narrative of Somali history. This meta-narrative changed little, and keywords such as (pan-Somali) nationalism, anti-colonialism, development, sovereignty structure most of the discursive repertoires of political actors in Somalia. The main difference is that politicized clan affiliations were during the war dragged out of their shadowy existence and placed in the spot-light of political practice. They alone were however not sufficient to justify claims to power, but were complemented by ‘injustice’, ‘modernisation’ and ‘territorial’ narratives that justified violent deeds as ‘liberation’, ‘defence’ or ‘territorial rights’. Islamists employed similar key narratives and revived the pan-Somali anti-colonialist nationalism, but rooted it in a religious rational. Their ability to abandon culturalised frames contributed to their success.     

The Imperfect Peace: Explaining Paramilitary Violence in Northern Ireland

This article examines why paramilitary campaigns in Northern Ireland have continued despite the current peace process. In advancing three instrumental explanations of paramilitary violence, the author provides a useful analytical framework which shows that while organizational interpretations are dominating the public discourse, republicans and loyalists continue to use paramilitary violence as a strategic means of threat and coercion. Furthermore, even though policy implications are not discussed in detail, it will be demonstrated that the dominance of organizational imperatives has resulted in excessive leniency by the state, which - in turn - has contributed to the fragility of the peace process.     

Dynamics of One-sided Violence in the Civil War in Northern Uganda

The analysis aims at detecting patterns in the use of violence against the civilian population in the Civil War that was fought in the North of Uganda by the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), an armed group that is known for its atrocities. One-sided violence increased with a decline in popular support and was related to the support of an external patron who influenced the relative military strength. The results of the quantitative analysis indicate that the LRA’s use of violence varied systematically with battle-related activities and was higher after the LRA had to suffer losses in combat.