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针对当前武器装备体系组合规划存在选择空间规模大、决策目标数量多等问题,提出一种集成决策优化框架,用于组合选择和规划武器装备的发展型号、时间和数量。首先对武器装备体系组合规划问题的NP-Hard和高维多目标性质进行定量化分析和公式化描述;然后采用目标规划方法将该问题构建为双目标优化模型;再基于NSGA-II多目标演化计算方法,开发面向本问题的优化算法,求得该模型的Pareto解集合;最后通过TOPSIS方法,从Pareto解集合中求取符合决策者偏好的满意解。通过某侦察预警监视体系发展规划示例,验证了当给定经验数据和决策者偏好信息后,该框架可获得符合要求的武器装备体系组合规划方案,能够支撑武器装备体系发展论证和规划。 相似文献
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针对一类可将复杂任务分解为多目标集合的任务分配问题,提出了一种基于网络图的多机器人系统任务分配规划算法。首先根据目标集合和机器人系统的初始状态,建立对应的网络图。在此基础上,将任务分配问题转换为受约束的最少成本流程问题。为保证获得目标集合的最优解,提出一种结合分支界限原理和拉格朗日松弛原理的最优求解算法。在仿真中,利用提出的算法求解随机设定位置的机器人和目标点集,仿真结果表明,提出的算法可以实现目标点集的优化分配。 相似文献
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卫星功率增强技术是提高区域导航信号抗干扰性能的一种有效措施,在卫星导航全星座中优选出卫星数量少、服务性能优的功率增强子星座,是新一代卫星导航系统建设迫切需要解决的问题。因此提出基于卫星数最少准则的功率增强子星座优化设计方法,详细介绍设计流程、数学模型及最优解搜索策略;定义了可用性水平、精度水平和覆盖范围等指标评估功率增强子星座性能;以GPS为例,分别针对覆盖点目标和区域目标两种应用背景进行功率增强子星座优化设计及性能评估。分析结果表明:全球范围内任意目标点进行功率增强需要12~17颗卫星;实现对我国沿海地区的连续覆盖需要18颗功率增强卫星;覆盖整个亚太地区则需要全星座24颗卫星都具备功率增强能力,这样才能满足其连续性和精度要求,此时最优功率增强子星座的服务范围可扩充至全球区域。 相似文献
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针对杂波环境中的目标检测跟踪问题,提出一种基于随机有限集理论的多传感器目标联合检测跟踪算法。算法将目标状态和量测描述为随机集合,建立考虑目标出现、目标保持、目标消失等情况的目标状态随机有限集模型,以及考虑漏检和虚警的多传感器量测随机有限集模型。将目标的联合检测跟踪问题构建为目标状态集合的贝叶斯最优估计问题,并基于随机有限集理论对该贝叶斯估计算法的递推表达式进行严格理论推导。采用序贯蒙特卡罗技术实现算法的递推滤波。仿真结果验证了该算法的有效性以及算法相对于传统基于数据关联算法的性能优势。 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Samantha Newbery 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2016,27(4):659-680
The UK’s interrogation operations during the conflict in Iraq (2003–2008) are often portrayed by the media as involving significant amounts of mistreatment. This article demonstrates that these practices are not necessarily representative of the UK’s interrogation operations across this conflict. In doing so it contributes to the limited literature on the practice of interrogation and on the UK’s combat operations in Iraq. The UK’s interrogation capability, and therefore its intelligence-gathering capability, is shown to have rested primarily with the military’s Joint Forward Interrogation Team (JFIT). The JFIT suffered from limitations to the number, training and experience of its interrogators and interpreters. It is argued that maintaining a permanent, higher level of preparedness for interrogation by the British armed forces is desirable. 相似文献
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Richard Reid 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2019,30(4-5):1040-1069
ABSTRACT While the study of organised violence is considered essential to understanding the history of the West, and accordingly imbued with various layers of meaning and remembrance, war is widely regarded as inimical to the modern nation in Africa and stable development more broadly. Using examples drawn from primarily from East Africa, this paper considers the ways in which warfare in the deeper (‘precolonial’) past has been framed and envisioned in recent decades, in particular by governments whose own roots lie in revolutionary armed struggle and who began life as guerrilla movements. While in some cases particular elements of the deeper past were indeed mobilised in pursuit of contemporary political goals, in many other scenarios histories of precolonial violence were beheld as problematic and unworthy of remembrance. This paper highlights the paradox and ambiguity which has attended the memory of key aspects of Africa’s deeper past. 相似文献