Turkey-Africa alliance: Evolving patterns in security relations

ABSTRACT

Turkey has maintained its strategic relations with Africa at the highest level under recent AK Party governments in the field not only of low politics but also of high politics. For example, it opened its largest overseas military base in Somalia in 2017 and signed military, defense and security pacts with more than 25 African countries. This article traces the deep historical and cultural relations with Africa behind its newly evolving foreign policy identity, arguing that its booming economic power has been a significant driving force in shaping a new security strategy. It examines what the growing security involvement means for both Turkey and Africa in order to contribute to the relevant literature through a holistic approach from both theoretical and conceptual perspectives.     

Landmines and Conservation in Southern Africa: Peace Parks in the Aftermath of Armed Conflict

Peace parks are a modern means of conflict resolution through nature conservation. The Great Limpopo Peace Park (GLPP), which spans South Africa, Zimbabwe and Mozambique, was established to bring new hope to an area that is infamous for racial and political divisions, civil war and widespread poverty. This paper discusses the impact of international laws governing landmines, the current priority choices of the countries involved, and the situation in the two mine-affected countries: Mozambique and Zimbabwe. Minefields and politics are interrelated, and have an impact at local, national and international level. Using the GLPP as a case study, the article argues that although they have been presented as excellent examples of integrated biodiversity conservation and socio-economic development in developing countries, peace parks will not fulfil their main objective of promoting an image of peace in the aftermath of conflict without addressing landmine contamination.     

Re-thinking the Unthinkable: Arms Control in the Twenty-First Century

ABSTRACT

Since the end of the Cold War, arms control proponents tried to make the case for deep nuclear reductions and other forms of security cooperation as necessary for strategic stability. While different versions of strategic stability analysis did sometimes produce innovative proposals, constructive negotiations, and successful ratification campaigns in the past, this analytical framework has become more of a hindrance than a help. Treating arms control as a predominantly technical way to make deterrence more stable by changing force structure characteristics, military operations, relative numbers of weapons on either side, or total number of nuclear weapons gives short shrift to political factors, including the fundamental assumptions about world politics that inform different arms control logics, the quality of political relations among leading states, and the political processes that affect negotiation, ratification, and implementation. This article compares two logics for arms control as a means to enhance strategic stability, one developed by the Cambridge community in the 1960s and one used by the Reagan administration and its successors, with current perspectives on strategic stability in which flexibility and freedom of action are preferable to predictability and arms control. It also contrasts what the Barack Obama administration has tried to achieve through strategic stability dialogues with Russia and China with how they envision security cooperation. It then presents an approach developed during the Cold War by Hedley Bull for thinking about both the technical and the political dimensions of arms control, and suggests that the logic of Cooperative Security (which shares important features with Bull's approach) is a more appropriate and productive way to think about arms control in the twenty-first century than strategic stability analysis is.     

A Bioterrorism Prevention Initiative

ABSTRACT

The threat of terrorist use of weapons of mass destruction remains a daunting concern. Governments have undertaken several initiatives at the national and international level to prevent such illicit use, yet challenges remain. Notable is the absence of a single collaborative international forum of experts dedicated solely to bioterrorism prevention. The establishment of a Bioterrorism Prevention Initiative could be a possible solution to address this gap. This article explores possibilities for such an initiative and the ways in which it could strengthen the existing bio-nonproliferation regime.     

一种判别离散型随机变量相互独立的新方法

对两个离散型随机变量相互独立的问题,通过引入分布律矩阵的概念,借助矩阵理论中行向量的相关结论,提出一种新的判别独立的方法。与以往的方法相比,这种方法更为简单和实用,更重要的是具体操作过程中计算量大为减少。     

对剩余飞行时间估计误差不敏感的末制导改进方法

首先对传统的比例导引控制系统进行了分析,分析结果表明,传统的比例导引方法对导弹剩余飞行时间的估计依赖性强,剩余飞行时间估计误差将大大降低制导性能,甚至造成导弹脱靶.为了解决这一问题,提出了一种降低敏感度制导律,建立了该改进制导律的数学模型并进行了仿真,仿真结果表明,该制导律对剩余飞行时间误差敏感度低,并能够提高制导性能...     

论责令限期改正在消防执法中的适用

从消防执法的视角,分析了责令限期改正的法律属性及立法变化,指出了消防法中责令限期改正的立法缺失和执法问题,并就此提出了相应的立法建议和执法意见,以解决消防执法中如何正确适用责令限期改正的问题。     

公安现役部队执法能力培养与法学教学

公安现役部队是列入武警序列由公安部门管理的部队。对其执法能力的要求具有特殊性。公安现役院校担负着为公安现役部队培养人才的任务,教学过程中应对公安现役部队执法能力的涵义、执法能力的内容和因执法能力不足而产生的问题以及解决问题的途径作了探讨。提出创新法学教学模式是提高公安现役部队执法能力的有效方法。     

一种基于观测器的自修复飞行控制系统设计

故障检测与隔离(FDI)、控制律重构是自修复飞行控制系统设计的重要内容.在自修复飞行控制系统设计中,利用观测器,设计了针对传感器的故障进行检测的方法,可使检测效果在一定的条件下,对系统参数变化不敏感,具有较好的鲁棒性;此外,当飞机操纵机构发生故障时,利用观测器,设计了基于线性模型跟随控制进行飞行重构控制的方法,使得当状态变量不能测量时的控制系统得以物理实现.最后,给出了仿真实例,结果表明了该方法的可行性和有效性.     

关于完善消防执法监督制约机制的实践与构想

结合南京消防支队的工作实践,从科学分解权力、优化操作程序、细化裁量标准、强化监督措施、深化警务公开等方面,就如何完善消防执法监督制约机制,进行了有益的思考和探索。