Public opinion: A powerful predictor of U.S. defense spending

Public opinion survey responses regarding the desirability of changes in defense spending can be compressed into a single variable, the public opinion balance, which, when accompanied by a control variable measuring the proportion of responses in the “residuum” (no opinion or keep the status quo), permits an accurate prediction of subsequent changes in the rate of change of U.S. defense outlays from the mid‐1960s through the 1980s. This finding cannot be interpreted as a simple case of “the public got what it wanted,” however, because public opinion was not autonomous or spontaneous, and defense decision makers themselves played a central role in shaping public opinion.     

文化安全视角下的新疆高校网络舆情管理探究

文化安全的关键在意识形态,意识形态领域中的关键问题是价值观掌控问题。作为文化传播的主要组成部分,网络舆情对文化安全的表层和深层结构都有重要影响。本文从文化安全视角下切入,结合新疆高校网络舆情调研,分析了文化安全面临的冲击与挑战,并提出了基于文化安全保障下的新疆高校网络舆情有效管理方式和路径。     

基于知识图谱和二级传播理论的网络舆情事件传播分析

在目前的网络舆情事件传播分析中,尽管生命周期模型能够较好地描述舆情事件的发展规律,但却忽略了部分时期之间存在的共性特征,无法充分体现意见领袖对网络舆情事件传播过程的影响。本文提出了一种基于知识图谱和二级传播理论的网络舆情事件传播分析方法,首先,构建网络舆情事件知识图谱;然后,基于知识图谱计算用户影响力挖掘意见领袖;最后,考虑到意见领袖的重要地位,为有效刻画网络舆情传播规律、周期与途径,根据传播学二级传播理论构建网络舆情事件传播模型,将生命周期模型的五个时期按照舆情发展态势划分为三个阶段：潜伏期（爆发期阶段）、爆发期（成熟期阶段）以及成熟期和衰退期（消亡期阶段）。实验结果表明,该方法能够有效计算和发掘包括意见领袖在内的用户影响力,传播、分析网络舆情事件效果较好。     

网络舆情中一种基于OLDA的在线话题演化方法

研究网络舆情分析中话题演化方法.首先分析网络舆情信息的特点;在此基础上,建立网络舆情信息模型,基于话题模型抽象描述文本内容的隐含语义,进而建立文本流在时间序列上的关联模型;进一步,提出基于OLDA的话题演化方法,针对舆情信息的特点,建立不同时间片话题间的关联.实验结果表明,该方法能够有效检测话题演化,为网络舆情分析提供了有效途径.     

网民心理视角下的网络舆情引导机制研究

在网络舆情频发的社会背景下,加强网民心理的分析和研究是完善网络舆情引导的重要举措。通过列举几种网民心理的类型,分析在这些心理的作用下网民在网络舆情中的行为表现。从网民心理疏导的角度出发,从引导主体、引导机制和引导渠道三个方面考虑,解决基于网民心理的网络舆情引导问题,为政府应对网络舆情事件提供理论支撑。     

The Deployment of the Japan Self-Defense Forces in Iraq and Public Trust Among Different Ideological Groups

This paper investigates how public trust in the Japan Self-Defense Forces (JSDF) changed after 2004 when it was sent to Iraq in support of the USA. Because Japan’s Constitution clearly prohibits the use of military forces unless for self-defense purposes, public opinion was divided. I find that liberals’ distrust in the JSDF grew after the deployment in Iraq relative to moderates. Somewhat surprisingly, the trust among conservatives also declined relative to moderates after the deployment in Iraq.     

Hiding Death: Contextualizing the Dover Ban

Following the terrorist attacks against the US in 2001, the Bush administration reaffirmed the Dover ban, the policy that prohibited press coverage of military coffins arriving at Dover Air Force Base from conflicts abroad. Conventional wisdom holds that the Bush administration enforced the ban in the hope of maintaining public support for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This understanding, though, is incomplete. If the Dover ban were enforced only in response to eroding public opinion, then other coalition states would have responded likewise to this shared incentive. I argue instead that maintaining public support is only one factor among many that led the US to uphold this policy. In addition to considering the influence of factors such as perceived media bias and casualty aversion, I focus on necropolitics and the related impetus for governments to regulate the observation of death. Through this interpretation, part of the American response to the involuntary loss of sovereignty on 9/11 was to exercise control over the observation of death by enforcing the Dover ban. Through comparing the press policies of the US, the UK, and Canada, I show that the necropolitical blow to sovereignty that only the US experienced triggered a repressive policy that only the US was able to maintain.     

复杂网络下基于Agent的舆情演化研究

<正>确认识、预测、引导和处理舆情对公众的影响,对社会稳定有重大的现实意义。通过综合运用多Agent和动力学微分方程的思路建立模型,结合社会人群中个体的行为规律,重点描述个体的行为细节和交互规则,构建了自下而上的舆情演化模型,并模拟广场"自焚"事件在网络上的传播,对模型进行了实证研究,验证了模型的有效性,运用Net Logo软件进行数值仿真,得到了舆情演化的规律,进而提出相应的对策建议。     

The causes of trust and distrust in the military

Trust in institutions is an important issue of political science and sociology. This article contributes to the discussion by exploring public trust in the military at the global, regional and national levels, and the causes of trust and distrust in the military. Analyses of public opinion data reveal that the military is a highly trusted social institution across the world. In Slovenia, the trust in the military is high as well; however, it is lower than international data would suggest, averaging at 50%. Against this background, the article focuses on the causes of trust. The original empirical survey was accomplished and shows that the most significant causes of a high level of trust in the military are its frequent and successful involvement in disaster relief, its professional qualifications and high performance, as well as its national defense role. Whereas the key causes of distrust are: the poor levels of transparency in its procurement process; the politicization of the military and organizational problems.     

基于统计回归模型的突发事件网络舆情研究

突发事件网络舆情传播速度快,在较短的时间内能够引起社会大众的广泛关注,产生较大的影响.通过利用突发事件网络舆情传播规律和酶促反应相似的机理,构建统计回归模型来研究分析突发事件网络舆情的规律,并通过实例进行论证,以期为政府应对突发事件网络舆情提供参考.     

Sweden and the issue of NATO membership: exploring a public opinion paradox

The past decade has seen substantial shifts in Swedish security policy and major change in the domestic debate about NATO. For the first time, all of the right-of-centre “alliance parties” are calling for a full NATO membership, and popular support for NATO has increased. Yet public opinion contains ambiguities and paradoxes that complicate the picture. At the same time as support for NATO has increased, the public is overwhelmingly for continued military non-alignment. Drawing on previous research, longitudinal data from national surveys, and other sources on defence and security issues, this article aims to increase our understanding of the development and change in Swedish public opinion on NATO. A key argument is that Erving Goffman’s theatre metaphor, combined with neo-institutional decoupling theory, to a large degree can help understand the public opinion paradox.     

网络舆论智能引导仿真推演模型与系统构建

传统马甲机械发帖的网络舆论引导方式存在智能水平不高、效果不佳的缺点。人工智能的快速发展为网络舆论智能引导奠定了坚实的理论与技术基础。本文突破新闻传播学的思维定式，利用智能体、系统建模与仿真等理论技术，研究网络舆论智能引导，提出“态势感知-仿真推演-舆论引导”的网络舆论智能引导思路，构建网络舆论智能引导仿真推演模型，明确仿真推演工具，进而构建网络舆论智能引导系统，在仿真推演的基础上实施网络舆论引导，从而颠覆传统马甲的机械式发帖引导方式，破解难以在真实网络环境中直接尝试各种引导策略的困局。本文的研究成果对于丰富网络舆论斗争理论，占领网络舆论制高点，具有重要理论意义和参考价值。     

新时期公安边防部队涉警舆情应对研究

随着现代信息技术的发展以及互联网的普及,社会舆论载体日益增多,而公安工作的特殊性又使公安机关极易成为社会关注的焦点。广泛、动态的涉警舆论一方面促进了公安边防工作的有效开展,但另一方面也给公安边防部队及公安边防工作带来巨大挑战。密切掌握涉警舆情动态,切实提高公安边防部队应对负面涉警舆情的能力,是公安边防部队履行三大历史使命的保证。     

基于不完全信息演化博弈模型的网络舆情传播羊群行为

以网络舆情传播过程中大部分人对事实不了解为前提,在这部分群体内构建基于不完全信息环境的两人对称演化博弈模型。提出了两人对称博弈矩阵来决定个体策略的选择,建立了复制动态方程说明不同策略群体比例的演化方向,演化时引入个体的记忆长度,根据设定的交互规则更新各自的观点值及记忆列表。仿真分析模型表明,在此环境中很容易产生羊群行为,群体内的个体都选择盲从并且观点保持一致。此外,羊群行为的集聚产生受多种因素影响,主要与采取分析策略的交互利益、成本系数以及记忆长度有关。本文对科学分析引导网络舆情的传播有一定实际意义。     

Just How Important Are ‘Hearts and Minds’ Anyway? Counterinsurgency Goes to the Polls

Despite all the talk of ‘hearts and minds’ being the key to counterinsurgency, local public opinion is rarely studied and when it is, it often yields surprising conclusions. Through analyzing polling data from Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan, this article shows that public opinion is less malleable, more of an effect rather than a cause of tactical success, and a poor predictor of strategic victory. As a result, modern counterinsurgency doctrine’s focus on winning popular support may need to be rethought.     

基于SNA参数的网络舆论系统状态差分分析

近年来,互联网在我国快速发展,网络舆论起着越来越重要的作用,对国家安全和社会稳定产生了重大的冲击和影响。针对网络舆论系统的状态进行研究,借助SNA方法,提出了可作为序参量的一些特征参数。在此基础上,设计了基于时间序列的SNA参数差分算法,实现对网络舆论系统的状态进行观测与分析。同时,对一个真实网络舆论进行实验仿真,验证了这种方法。     

群体性事件网络舆情传播模式与引导机制研究

近几年,群体性事件发生频率和危害程度明显呈上升趋势,群体性事件网络舆情研究逐渐成为热点课题。在重点分析群体性事件网络舆情两种传播模式的基础上,研究政府引导网络舆情的日常引导机制和应急引导机制,以期为政府治理群体性事件提供参考依据。     

From elite consumption to popular opinion: framing of the US drone program in Pakistani newspapers

The United States has conducted armed drone strikes in Pakistan since 2004. While there has been some recent work on Pakistani public opinion about drones, there is very little research on how Pakistan’s media characterize the US drone program. This is an important gap in understanding the determinants of Pakistani popular perceptions of this program. Decades of research has shown that “news framing”, a process by which certain aspects of a complex concept are emphasized in political communications with others played down, influences individual cognition while forming political opinions. In this essay, we address this lacuna by assembling an unprecedented sample of editorials about the drone program from three English newspapers and one Urdu newspaper and analyzing the news frames within them. We next compare the trends in these news frames to public opinion data collected by Pew between the spring of 2009 and 2014. Initially, most Pakistanis were unaware of the drone program, media coverage of the program expanded as drone strikes increased in frequency. While Pakistanis became more cognizant of the US drone strikes, even by 2014 large minorities remained unaware. Pakistani public opinion strongly reflected the top media frames, particularly those that are negative. This is an important finding suggesting that newspaper editorials are a good barometer of Pakistani opinions despite the fact that only information elites rely upon newspapers for political information.     

依据信息加工原理 提升舆论战作战功能

舆论战是通过舆论传播平台传递信息,作用于受众的思想或心理,争取人心,实现小战大胜或不战而胜。依据信息加工原理,分析研究信息源、信息、媒介和受众这四个要素,是提升舆论战作战功能的必由之路。     

Pakistani Political Communication and Public Opinion on US Drone Attacks

Conventional wisdom holds that Pakistanis are overwhelmingly opposed to American drone strikes in their country’s tribal areas and that this opposition is driven by mass media coverage of the loss of life and property the strikes purportedly cause. Using an approach based in the literature in political communication and public opinion, we argue this conventional wisdom is largely inaccurate. Instead, we contend that awareness of drone strikes will be limited because Pakistan is a poor country with low educational attainment, high rates of illiteracy and persistent infrastructure problems that limit access to mass media. Moreover, because of these same country characteristics, Pakistanis’ beliefs about drone strikes will be shaped primarily by informal, face-to-face political communication, rather than through more formal media sources. We test this argument using data that we collected by fielding a 7,656 respondent, nationally-representative survey carried out in Pakistan in 2013. The results of the statistical analysis support our arguments.