对加强低强度海上维权国防动员的战略思考

海上维权国防动员作为维护国家海上安全和利益发展的重要战略手段,其地位作用日益突显.着眼新形势下海上维权斗争需要,充分认识低强度海上维权国防动员的特点规律,并在系统分析低强度海上维权国防动员矛盾问题的基础上,统筹谋划加强低强度海上维权国防动员的对策措施,对于更好地维护国家海洋权益,具有十分重要的现实意义和指导价值.     

民兵参加海上维权斗争的几点思考

维护国家海洋权益,是今后一个时期我国面临的重大任务。在海上维权斗争中民兵应如何发挥作用,是当前亟待研究探讨的现实问题。我们认为,民兵亦军亦民,组织民兵实施维权行动,既能强化存在,又可降低对抗烈度;民兵较之于民众,组织性强,便于指挥控制,有利于维权行动的组织;民兵数量众多,有利于形成维权声势,在配合军事和外交斗争中发挥重要作用。一、民兵参加海上维权斗争作战使用样式海上民兵分队具有数量多、分布广、行动敏感度低、活动隐蔽性强等优势,如果将其纳入海上维权力量体系,可在一定程度上弥补能力“短板”。海上民兵分队参加海上维权可采取以下三类行动样式。     

着力提升海上民兵维权斗争后勤保障能力

本文根据当前我国海洋维权斗争的具体实践,对海上民兵维权斗争后勤保障中存在的现实问题进行了深刻剖析,从后勤指挥体系、海上综合保障、军民融合保障和标准制度建设四个方面展开深入的研究和探讨,旨在提升海上民兵维权斗争后勤保障能力。     

加强海上民兵建设"四要"

海上民兵是服务海洋经济发展、参加海上维权斗争、支援保障海上作战的重要力量.当前,我国海洋海防安全形势异常复杂、充满变数.必须坚持人民战争思想指导、贯彻军民融合发展战略,搞好潜力调查、优化组织结构、强化训练演练、完善保障体系,努力提高海上民兵快速动员和遂行任务能力.     

新中国成立以来人民海军海上维权斗争的历史回顾与经验启示

习主席深刻指出,"实现中华民族伟大复兴,海权是必过的一道关口"。新中国成立70多年来,人民海军作为海上维权力量体系的保底手段和坚强后盾,始终坚持服务服从国家政治外交大局,注重把握维权行动的时机规模、节奏强度和方式方法,有理、有利、有节开展海上维权斗争,坚决有力回击海上侵权挑衅行为,有效捍卫了国家领土主权和海洋权益。     

中国海防日趋稳固

新中国成立以来特别是1994年第三次边防会议召开以来，中国海防建设取得了令人瞩目的成就，维护海洋权益的能力稳步提升，成为名副其实的海上长城。 ——有效捍卫国家主权、权益。海军、公安边防、海监、渔政、海事等部门紧密配合，严密组织海上维权执法，加强海上警戒巡逻、护渔护航和维权执法，持续开展南沙保礁护礁斗争。     

关于组织动员海上民兵参与维权行动的几点思考

正新形势下,我国海防安全形势复杂而严峻。近年来,军委、总部对海上民兵建设越来越重视,军委习近平主席专门视察海南省琼海市潭门海上民兵连并作重要指示,为我们进一步加强和改进海上民兵工作提供了根本遵循。海上民兵是我国海防武装力量的有机组成部分,是不脱离生产的群众武装组织,在海上维权斗争中敏感程度低、回旋余地大,是一支不可替代的力量。组织动员海上民兵参与维权行动,对于维护国家主权和海洋权益、推动海洋经济发展,促进军事斗争准备落实具有重大意义。     

强力推进新形势下海上民兵建设深入发展

海上民兵是我国海上武装力量的组成部分,在海上遂行多样化军事任务中具有组织健全、分布广泛、海情熟悉、行动迅速等独特优势,在海上维权斗争中敏感程度低、回旋余地大,是一支不可替代的力量。建好用好这支力量,对于维护国家主权和海洋权益、推动海洋经济社会发展、促进军事斗争准备落实具有重大意义。     

网络舆论战的理论探析

网络舆论战是一种新型作战样式。加强网络舆论战研究,既是信息化战争的时代要求,又是实现强军目标的客观需要,对于丰富具有我军特色的现代舆论战理论体系,推动我军政治工作的创新发展,具有十分重要意义。文章通过论述网络舆论战的地位作用和主要特点,对开展网络舆论战的基本战法进行了探讨。     

民船快速动员的组织与实施刍议

民船动员是海上动员准备的重点环节和重要组成部分.民船快速动员对于海上支援保障任务、有效应对海上维权斗争具有重要和现实的意义.针对当前渔业稳定性差、快速收拢难度大、整体协同性弱、征用补偿费高等特点,应按照“平战一体常态备、全域联动快速转、基于任务精确征、聚焦能力针对训、统一组织依案行”五个方面,打好系列“组合拳”,成体系组织与实施海上民船快速动员.     

Holding the Bridge in Troubled Times: The Cold War and the Navies of Europe

European navies made a fundamental contribution to the Cold War at sea, ensuring the effectiveness of deterrence even as Soviet naval forces grew to ominous proportions. European fleets were tasked with containing a Soviet attack until US forces could arrive on the scene. Many European navies pursued essential niche capabilities tailored for their own unique maritime environments. Others made important contributions to broader NATO efforts in the high-stakes arenas of sea control, power projection and even nuclear deterrence. Contentious issues did arise, for example concerning burden-sharing, but true to its name, the alliance succeeded collectively in wielding formidable sea power. This paper is based on the premise that the maritime players in the Cold War at sea were by no means restricted to the US and Soviet navies. The navies of Western Europe and Canada had major roles to play as well within the NATO area. They contributed a great deal to the political cohesion crucial to an essentially maritime alliance, and in many cases had a real operational contribution to make as well. What follows, then, is the Cold War at sea from a European point of view.     

现代海洋法与我国边防管理工作

现代海洋法对建立世界海洋新制度、维护海洋新秩序发挥了积极作用，对我国海上边防管理工作也带来了深刻影响。为应对这种影响，需要进一步创新工作机制，规范出海船舶的许可和查验措施，健全海上航行船舶的监控识别制度，增加海上巡航监管的力度，及时防范和打击各种违法犯罪活动，以维护我国海洋权益和海洋安全稳定。     

The Evolution and Significance of the 1972 Incidents at Sea Agreement

As a consequence of the rapid growth of Soviet maritime power during the 1960s, hazardous incidents at sea and in the air became a regular part of the Cold War. Eventually, both Washington and Moscow came to recognize the importance of an agreement limiting this perilous set of interactions, resulting in the Incidents at Sea Agreement that was signed in May 1972. The set of rules and procedures agreed upon helped to calm tensions in subsequent crises and provides ample lessons for placing reasonable limits on other tense maritime rivalries.     

军事指挥自动化系统信息防护研究

军事指挥自动化系统是部队作战指挥的核心体系,是敌军重点打击的对象。信息化战争的到来对部队指挥自动化系统的信息安全提出了严峻的挑战。针对该系统在未来战争中可能将面对的信息攻击,从战略上提出了解决的建议和意见,力图提高系统的信息安全性和可靠性,保障指挥自动化系统对部队的指挥控制能力。     

The Dilemmas of US Maritime Supremacy in the Early Cold War

After World War II, the US Navy confronted the challenge of adapting to dramatically altered geopolitical circumstances. Moscow did not have an ocean-going fleet, and early Cold War strategy was dominated by the salient position of nuclear strategic bombing – a mission thought to be outside the purview of the navy. Traditional roles, such as protecting sea lines of communication and supporting ground forces ashore, quickly proved indispensable. However, the navy eventually also succeeded in fielding dramatic technological and institutional innovations, for example, the strategic missile submarine, which enabled the US to successfully leverage maritime power against the continental power of the USSR.     

Introduction

ABSTRACT

The new nuclear history can make a critical contribution by forcing us to reconsider or reframe the theoretical premises of the concepts we apply to our understanding of the present – and with which we try to navigate the future. It bears on fundamental questions, such as: How should the US manage its alliances? Should it establish a multilateral nuclear policy dialogue in Asia? In what depth should it discuss issues of doctrine and targeting with its Asian allies? What capabilities might reassure European allies in light of current Russian revisionism? Could nuclear war be limited and controlled in an East Asian maritime arena? Do nuclear weapons strengthen an alliance, or do they introduce a divisive bone of contention? Is extended nuclear deterrence (END) stabilizing or is it on the contrary pushing the allies to ask for more? What is the relationship between nuclear and conventional forces in END credibility? How do nuclear alliances contribute to international security and international order? The lessons and insights from these papers, which look at five historical cases of US extended deterrence during the Cold War, should help us think about crucial current issues, and be of use both to historians who want to have a better understanding of the Cold War past and to policymakers who are currently grappling with these issues.     

Maritime security and capacity building in the Gulf of Guinea: On comprehensiveness,gaps, and security priorities

It is widely acknowledged that maritime security in the Gulf of Guinea is a highly complex phenomenon involving a variety of issues (legal deficiencies, inadequate military equipment, and challenges like corruption, political unrest and youth unemployment) as well as a multiplicity of external responders. To make sense of the impact that external actors have when they address this complex problem through various maritime capacity building endeavours, this article argues that there is a need to understand the attractiveness of capacity building vis-à-vis the widely acknowledged need for a comprehensive approach, as well as the difficulties of translating the potential for comprehensiveness into practice (as important aspects of the problem remain largely unaddressed). Further, it is argued that it is important to appreciate that even if these gaps – i.e. the aspects that maritime capacity building currently leaves unaddressed – represent a ‘failure’ to deliver a comprehensive response, they are at the same time illustrative of how the maritime capacity building activities of various external actors also ‘succeed’ in having an impact on this regional security landscape – for instance, by influencing how certain aspects of this multifaceted problem are prioritised, whilst others are only marginally addressed, if at all.     

维护社会稳定发挥青年先锋作用

目前,我国已进入全面建设小康社会,加快推进社会主义现代化的发展阶段.保持政治稳定,保持全党、全国各族人民的团结,是我们事业发展的必要前提.青年是改革开放的直接参与者和推动社会进步的重要力量,应引导青年支持改革、促进发展、维护稳定,发挥青年的先锋模范作用,以适应时代发展的需要.     

Stalin's Conception of Maritime Power: Revelations from the Russian Archives

Through unprecedented access to archival documents, the author places Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin's decisions regarding the navy in the context of a national economy in ruins, bureaucratic infighting, and Stalin's own unique understanding of geopolitics and naval strategy. These documents illustrate the decidedly defensive character of Stalin's maritime conception, as it reveals the Kremlin leader's strong disposition against attempts to ‘mimic the Americans’ and pursue an ocean-going fleet. The author also discusses Stalin's lessons from the Korean War and the impact of these lessons on the subsequent development of the Soviet fleet. Finally, this study offers insights for students of asymmetric warfare, as it explores the challenges and dilemmas that confront relatively limited powers within intense rivalries.     

Shielding the ‘Hot Gates’: Submarine Warfare and Japanese Naval Strategy in the Cold War and Beyond (1976–2006)

The build-up of Japan's military apparatus in the 1990s and 2000s has been often regarded by security analysts as indicative of a departure from the country's Cold War strategic posture. Japan appears to be engaged in a process of militarisation that is eroding the foundations of its ‘exclusively defence-oriented’ policy. In the case of the archipelago's naval strategy, such assessments overlook the longstanding significance of a core feature of its defence policy, namely the surveillance of maritime crossroads delivering the wealth of the country. The paper reassesses the evolution of the Japanese strategy since the Cold War by examining the development of the Japanese Maritime Self-Defence Force's submarine force, one of the key components of the defensive shield for these crossroads. The paper argues that with the changes in the security environment of the 1990s, Japan already fielded a mature force with state-of-the-art submarines, and that the rise of a new naval competitor aiming at controlling key strategic points along Japan's sea lanes reconfirmed the critical importance of submarine operations to Japanese national security.