国际维和行动中官兵心理防护研究

国际维和行动是指联合国根据有关决议向冲突地区派遣军事人员以恢复或维护和平的行动。我国从1989年开始参加国际维和行动,迄今先后参加了19项联合国维和行动,累计派出维和人员15000多人次。我国维和官兵在维和任务区面临全新的环境,担负着紧张而繁重的任务,同时面对着各种疾病的威胁,部分维和官兵表现出一些心理问题。因此,认真研究国际维和行动中官兵心理问题及成因,选择切实可行的心理防护路径,对于维护官兵身心健康、确保维和任务完成具有重要意义。     

联合国维和走向何方?

联合国维和行动是国际社会保持全球安全与稳定的重要机制之一。虽然在世纪之初,时代已具有了多极化和信息化特征,但联合国的维和行动却并未“边缘化”,特别是在2001年,由于发生了“9·11”为代表的国际恐怖主义袭击事件,使联合国维合行动在减轻战争创伤、维持世界安全稳定方面发挥出更加重要的作用。截至2001年底,联合国在世界各冲突地区进行的维和行动累计已达54项,参与维和的人员近百万人。当年仍在进行的维和行动共有15项,参加联合国维持和平行动的军事人员、民事警察达4.7095万人,向联合国维和行动派出军事人员与民事警察的国家有87个,参与维和行动的文职人员也达到了1.2126万人。维和行动经费财年预算为27.4亿美元。从1948年维和行动开始至2001年12月底维和行动经费已达233亿美元。     

联合国维和警察防暴队甄选考试改革对维和培训的影响及对策

2012年9月颁布的《联合国维和警察防暴队行动能力评估标准作业程序》对联合国防暴队甄选及行动能力评估的组织、实施程序、考查标准等方面都进行了较大的调整。从联合国维和警察防暴队甄选标准作业程序的改革入手,以考试为突破口和着眼点,研究程序的改革对维和警察防暴队培训的影响,制定应对策略,以时维和培训工作具有指导作用和借鉴意义。     

联合国维和行动立法问题研究

从立法主体和立法形式的角度探讨联合国维持和平行动的立法问题。尽管联合国大会并不是维和行动适格的立法机构，但是维和行动的国际法依据是国家和国际组织在实践中长期形成的惯例。其立法主体资格实质上是一个共享问题，因此，由联合国组织立法应当是最为适宜的。就立法形式而言，采用由联合国主持缔结维和条约的形式最具有可行性，也最为合理。     

中国参加联合国维和行动的回顾与前景展望

联合国维持和平行动（United Nations Peacekeeping Operations，以下简称维和行动）已走过整整60年的历程（联合国第一个维和行动组织．是成立于1948年6月的“联合国停战监督组织”）．作为联合国安理会五大常任理事国之一的中国．为维和行动做出了不可磨灭的贡献。     

“蓝盔”在行动——联合国维和行动55年

1948年5月29日,为监督阿拉伯国家和以色列战争的停火,联合国建立了停战监督组织。这是联合国的第一次维持和平行动。当时这个组织的任务区还仅限于埃及、叙利亚、约旦、黎巴嫩、以色列5个国家。55年之后,联合国的维和行动已遍布世界各大陆,总共达到了55次,参加行动的军事人员和民事警察来自世界140多个国家,将近100万人。目前,联合国在亚洲、非洲和拉丁美洲仍部署着14支维和部队,有维和人员3.7万余人。今年5月29日联合国庆祝了它的第一个“国际维和人员日”。     

维和：改革中前行

5月29日是第8个联合国国际维和人员日。联合国在纽约总部举行纪念仪式，缅怀为和平事业捐躯的维和人员。联合国秘书长潘基文为国际维和人员日发表书面致辞，高度赞赏维和人员的勇气和献身精神，向在世界各地联合国维和行动中杰出工作的12万余名军人、警察和文职人员致敬。     

试论联合国维和行动的法律性质

联合国维持和平行动的法律性质在国际法学界一直存在争议。在维和行动与其他国际军事或准军事行动的辨析中我们可以看到维和行动自身所独具的法律特征。维和行动的法律依据尽管未有定论,但依据其实践与发展的现实状况,我们可以将它的法律性质概括为:联合国属准军事行动性质,国际法约定的默示授权性质,维护国家间独立平等的工具性质等。     

情报与联合国维和行动研究

情报是用以降低风险、减少决策的不确定性并提供决策依据的重要工具,信息全球化时代的今天,情报主导警务、社会稳定甚至国家安全工作已经成为不可阻挡的趋势。通过梳理1948年至今联合国维和行动情报研究成果、针对性地总结情报实践探索过程中的经验教训,对维和情报的基本内涵及其特殊性、维和情报的类型及其获取途径、国际社会对维和情报问题的讼争、情报对维和行动的影响及其发展趋势进行了初步探讨。     

联合国维和行动的发展及其面临的主要挑战

第二代维和行动维和行动数量剧增,规模变大;维和行动战略从“维持”和平向“建设”和平发展;维和行动由主要处理国与国之间的冲突转为主要处理国内各派别的冲突;维和行动职能由单一转向多元;维和行动部署方式由过去的“线性”变为“非线性”;维和行动的主体增加,维和行动组成日趋混杂。联合国维和行动面临着“强力”维和挑战传统原则;维和行动资源严重短缺;维和人员所承担的安全风险越来越大;维和行动的有效性难有质的提高;单边主义妨碍联合国发挥作用。     

THE US NAVY AND THE NEW WORLD ORDER

In the last decade, the nature of peacekeeping in Africa has changed somewhat, especially the manner in which peacekeeping missions are comprised, funded and driven. What one can observe is that there has been new thinking in the field of peacekeeping where this initiative is driven by states with particular interest in a particular issue(s). This thinking has led, to a certain extent, to the United Nations (UN) de-monopolising peacekeeping and ceding its ‘responsibility to protect’ to either lead states or regional organisations to deal with crises in respective backyards. In the first instance, ‘lead states’ have been empowered (financially and militarily) by peacekeeping powers to attend to crises in their respective regions to drive peacekeeping efforts. In the second instance, while financial and military support is not paramount, regional powers have had the blessing of the UN to deal with regional issues and crises in various parts of their respective regions. This situation evidently signifies the shifting nature of peacekeeping on the African continent. On assessing this scenario, the question that emerges in one's mind is where does this leave the UN? Does this mean that the UN and multilateralism is being sidelined in favour of unilateralism? Or does the UN still matter? What is the future of peacekeeping in Africa? These questions and the challenges posed by both the ‘old’ and ‘new’ approach to peacekeeping will be analysed in this article.     

维和警察安全意识和自我防护能力刍议

联合国维和任务日益复杂,维和警察在任务区面临的危险无法预知。从维和培训以及任务区执法着手,通过合理的安全教育,有助于不断提高维和警察的安全意识和白我防护能力。     

The Nepalese Army: From counterinsurgency to peacekeeping?

Can peacekeeping participation help reform military institutions in democratizing states? Drawing on evidence from Nepal – one of the world's largest troop contributors to UN peacekeeping operations – this essay illustrates that participation in peace missions can sometimes undermine security sector reform and deteriorate civil–military relations. Furthermore, this analysis shows that peacekeeping participation will not necessarily reorient troops away from their conventional internal roles (such as counterinsurgency) or improve civilian control over the armed forces. Hence, civilians can lose control over soldiers just as frequently when they are deployed overseas as when they are at home.     

Early warning,the protection of civilians and United Nations peacekeeping operations

This commentary traces the increasing importance of early warning in United Nations (UN) peacekeeping, an emphasis that has emerged in connection with the evolution of protection of civilians mandates in UN peacekeeping missions. It examines the current and emerging practice of early warning in UN peacekeeping as well as the challenges faced, drawing on case studies from the UN missions in South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The authors also propose a set of basic principles upon which early warning in UN peacekeeping operations might be approached in the future.     

从建设和平的视角看联合匡维和行动的困境

联合国维和行动目前面临着日益严峻的困难和挑战。其中的一个重要原因在于维和人员被赋予了过多的建设和平的职责,使得维和行动处于两难的境地。要缓解这一困境,国际社会需重新审视和定义维和行动的职责范围,大力加强和平委员会的能力建设,并给予更多的授权。在实现这些长期目标之前,维和特派团将继续代替建和委履行建设和平协调员的职责。     

THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL AND THE ORGANISATION OF AFRICAN UNITY

The UN relies on regional organisations to carry out peacekeeping activities and has very good reasons for doing so: resource constraints and relevant political influence. In Africa, however, the UN Security Council seems unwilling to take decisive action when faced with complex emergencies and leaves the burden to the OAU which has its own problems. The UN charter does allow regional organisations to take enforcement action even without prior armed attack. The OAU charter converges with that of the UN in ways that should make cooperation easier than it has been. Despite the rhetoric, the UN Security Council has undertaken very little visible action in Africa when it is most needed. A lack of significant African representation in the Council is perhaps a cause. The Council will improve its global authority if it undertakes reforms that reduce the power of the US and the UK over its decisions.     

Radio Jamming: The Disarmament of Radio Propaganda

To more concretely define what the UN's policy towards international peacekeeping should be in the twenty-first century, novel methods of addressing inter-and intrastate conflict need examining. Consequently, this article argues that UN peacekeeping operations must begin to include technological capabilities – namely UN jamming of hate radio – when certain prerequisites are met. Using the Rwandan genocide and the radio station that largely inspired the conflict, RTLMC, as a case study, this article illustrates hate radio's power in both inter- and intrastate conflict and devises a system wherein UN peacekeeping efforts can effectively silence this menace to international security.     

Burden Sharing in CSDP Military Operations

Abstract

Military burden sharing has been a subject of repeated debates in NATO and the UN. Despite more modest goals, the European Union’s (EU) Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) has experienced no fewer difficulties in garnering men, money, and materiel. While this may not come as a surprise, the fact that some EU member states have carried disproportionate shares of the burden of CSDP operations is a puzzle that remains unaccounted for. We address this gap by analyzing determinants of contribution levels to CSDP operations. In employing an innovative multi-method design that combines insights from collection action theory with those from integrated theories of military burden sharing, our results indicate that EU countries tend to contribute in positive disproportion with their capabilities when they have a strong peacekeeping tradition and elections are distant. In contrast, they undercontribute when small trade volumes with the area of operations combine with a weak peacekeeping tradition.     

论维和任务区维和警察的情报意识

在信息时代里,联合国维和任务区要求维和警察必须具备情报意识,能够发现、搜集、分析与联合国维和工作有关的情况,这就要求我们在培训时必须考察维和警察的情报意识,提高其情报能力。     

Peacekeeping and civil–military relations in Uruguay

ABSTRACT

There have been over 90,000 UN peacekeepers deployed around the world to 78 peacekeeping operations (PKOs) in over 125 countries since 1948. Some scholars have made the case that these missions have had a positive impact on the relationship between the military and the civilians they work for. However, other scholars have identified a negative impact on civil military relations (CMR). This paper contributes to this debate by investigating how peacekeeping has impacted civil-military relations in Latin America's most prolific contributor to peacekeeping: Uruguay. This paper finds that PKOs in Uruguay have facilitated post-transitions attempts by civilians to build first-generation control, but not second-generation control. Further, PKOs have marginally improved military effectiveness, but we find that they do not improve societal trust in the armed forces.