The Fallujah awakening: a case study in counter-insurgency

The successful pacification of Fallujah in 2007 during the Anbar Awakening movement was due to the coordinated efforts of US and Iraqi forces to physically and psychologically separate the people from the insurgency. Efforts along security, political, and development lines along with a robust tribal effort eliminated the armed insurgency and set the basis for victory in the area. But a synchronized delivery of these resources was insufficient to defeat the insurgency by itself absent the population's decision to turn against the insurgents. This process began to occur in 2006 and was successfully capitalized upon by Coalition Forces in Fallujah in 2007.     

社会保障与社会稳定关联性探析

社会保障制度作为“社会安全阀”,其与社会稳定之间存在正相关关系;但在实践中,由于我国社会保障制度不健全,保障调节功能弱化,又影响了社会稳定,其与社会稳定之间存在负相关关系。因此,必须尽快建立一套完整而切实可行的社会保障制度,以保证社会的稳定与发展。     

浅谈网络信息安全系统构建

网络信息安全已成为当今社会所面临的安全威胁之一，校园网、电子邮件系统、电子政务系统等等都存在不同程度的安全隐患，介绍了网络信息安全中存在的问题及应对对策，以不断提高全社会的信息安全意识和保障能力。     

西方治安管理主体多元化探析

传统观念认为,政府警察机构是维护社会治安秩序的主体。然而,西方国家的治安管理实践表明,私人保安、社会自治组织等社会治安组织也参与社会治安管理工作,与警察机构合作、互动,共同维护社会秩序。治安管理主体呈现多元化的原因主要有三个方面:一是西方政府机制本身内在固有的缺陷导致警察机构治安服务失灵现象为其提供现实依据;二是新公共管理、自组织网络治理等理论为其产生提供理论基础;三是治安需求的多元化为其提供了发展的动力。     

Afghanistan after the Soviets: From jihad to tribalism

In 1989 the Soviet Union withdrew its forces from Afghanistan leaving the embattled Afghan Communist government of President Mohammad Najibullah to fight against an emboldened mujahideen insurgency. Most experts expected a quick mujahideen victory once the Soviets were no longer directly involved in counterinsurgency operations in support of the Afghan government. But in the spring of 1989 the Afghan Communists beat the odds and defeated a mujahideen rebel offensive designed to capture the eastern city of Jalalabad. This proved to be a turning point, and for the next three years the Najibullah regime held out against the mujahideen ‘freedom fighters’. In fact the Afghan Communist regime actually outlasted its sponsor the Soviet Union. The reasons for this remarkable achievement can be traced, in part, to ethnic–tribal divisions among the quarreling mujahideen parties and the Afghan government's ability to exploit them. This largely untold story has obvious implications for understanding the future of post-Karzai Afghanistan, tribalism, ethnicity, and foreign sponsorship in post-US Afghanistan. This article will explore the reasons for the resilience of the Najibullah Communist government and then assess possible implications for a post-2014 Afghan government.     

Counter-Insurgency in Pakistan: The Role of Legitimacy

The Pakistani security forces have won their fight against the insurgency of the Pakistani Taliban, though terrorism will remain a serious problem for the foreseeable future. Victory was won not chiefly on the basis of new tactics, but of the recovery of legitimacy for the campaign among the population and the armed forces. This occurred when the war came to be seen as one waged not in the interests of the USA, but for the defence of Pakistan. In Balochistan, the nationalist insurgency has been different from and weaker than that of the Taliban—but may prove longer lasting. Military tactics in Balochistan have closely resembled those of the British Raj, and have been based with some success on fomenting tribal divisions and co-opting tribal elites.     

State-making and region-building: the interplay of domestic and regional security in the Middle East

In his contribution to this collection, Keith Krause discusses the link between state-formation processes and regional security-building. In doing so, he draws attention to a specific, domestic, aspect of the process of regional community-building: the role of ideas about, institutions of, and instruments of organized violence in social, political and economic life. According to Krause, focusing on the role of institutions of organized violence in structuring and influencing the basic choices for security policy might allow a better evaluation of the prospects for constructing a regional security order.     

边防毗邻省区跨域协同警务战略研究

在非传统安全威胁不断增多的情况下，公安边防部队维护边疆社会治安和政治大局稳定的职能作用更加凸现。针对公安边防部队点多、线长、面广的特点和毗邻省区结合部管理防范相对薄弱的实际，研究探索新形势下加强毗邻跨域警务协同、联手固边的工作机制，形成无缝链接——“全国边防一盘棋”的整体战略，全面提升公安边防部队战斗力，具有极其重要的现实意义。     

AFRICA

Political violence, at times perceived as terrorism, remains a major security challenge in Swaziland. The common view is that this violence is perpetrated by those who feel marginalised from the political process. Central to the hypothesis advanced in this paper is that any effective solution to the menace of political violence and the security challenges it poses begins with an awareness of the symbiotic relation between security, human rights and democracy. It has been empirically proven that abuse of human rights can lead to violence, which negates peace and security in any society. In terms of content the paper looks at the shape of political violence in Swaziland. Next, it discusses the strategies and ideas behind efforts by the Swazi state to combat political violence and the counter-arguments. The final section shows the inextricable link between security, human rights and democracy; and argues that recognising this linkage can provide the key to unlocking the security puzzle in Swaziland.     

加大反洗钱力度是推进廉政建设的突破口

揭示了洗钱与腐败之间的内在联系 ,剖析了腐败分子通过洗钱来逃避法律制裁的社会现象 ,提出了应将控制洗钱作为我国反腐败的新措施和手段的观点 ,并就如何建立和完善控制洗钱的法律体系提出了若干建议。     

Determining the most vital link in a flow network

The most vital link in a single commodity flow network is that are whose removal results in the greatest reduction in the value of the maximal flow in the network between a source node and a sink node. This paper develops an iterative labeling algorithm to determine the most vital link in the network. A necessary condition for an are to be the most vital link is established and is employed to decrease the number of ares which must be considered.     

Predators and Peace: Explaining the Failure of the Pakistani Conflict Settlement Process in 2013-4

ABSTRACT

Did US drone strikes cause the unravelling of the Pakistani conflict settlement process between the government and the TTP in 2013-14? In answering this question, we present strong, fieldwork-based evidence that the effects of leadership decapitation, civilian casualties, and loss of legitimacy and credibility as a negotiation partner by both the government and the TTP interacted in the context of specific social, political and cultural characteristics of a tribal society. We find that drone strikes ‘produced’ some of these factors, but not all, which allows us to conclude with four concrete policy recommendations for rethinking the use of drones.     

地方物流资源动员研究

物流是将国民经济转化为军事战斗力的桥梁和纽带,是支援战争、保障军事行动胜利的重要前提。物流资源决定着物流能力的大小和物流水平的高低,而地方物流资源动员则决定着军事物流活动的效率和效果。从地方物流资源动员的内涵着手,分析了其重大意义,总结归纳了当前存在的突出问题,并就提高地方物流资源动员效益的方法举措进行了探析。     

TERRORISM AND AFRICA

Since the events of 11 September, regional organisations around the globe have realigned themselves to confront the new security threats posed by terrorism. While these threats can, and do, affect southern Africa in many ways, there has yet to be strong action taken at a regional level, and commitments to dealing with the issue have been varied. This essay attempts to explore why terrorism should demand more attention from southern African states, and reasons why those states should confront the issue through regional apparatuses.

It also examines areas that the SADC region will have to fine-tune in order to successfully implement security measures against terrorism. The essay seeks to take stock of the present capacity within the region as well as learn from what other regions around the world are doing. It highlights how other regions have already taken steps to mitigate their collective vulnerabilities by emphasising coordination, cooperation and harmonization among members. The essay highlights how, by integrating international models with existing regional capacity, southern African states can—and should—begin to confront the threats that terrorism poses to the region.     

Terrorism, Crime and Private Armies

The nature of crime and conflict is rapidly evolving. Postmodern war is increasingly influenced by non-traditional and irregular combatants: non-state soldiers. These actors are exploiting technology and networked doctrine to spread their influence across traditional geographic boundaries. This emphasis on non-traditional actors accompanies a shift in political and social organization. This shift may well be a shift in state form: from nation-state to market-state. This transition is fueled by rapid developments in technology and the adoption of network organizational forms. Conflict during this transition blurs the distinctions between and among crime, terrorism and warfare. This essay explores the dynamics of terrorism, crime and private armies during this epochal shift.     

Between vigilantism and ethnocultural preservation: An investigation into the legitimacy of the non-state policing activities of the Ombatse group among the Eggon people of Nassarawa State,Nigeria

Postmodern contradictions in postcolonial Nigeria have led to the fetishisation of alternative local security measures often labelled as vigilante activities. The profiling of these groups as ethnic militia often undermines their essential bid to provide security while delimiting security needs to the physical. The fallouts of such profiling are frictions between federal security agents and ethnic-based security groups, often resulting in violence, as exemplified by the 7 May 2013 incident between the Nigerian federal security agents and the Ombatse. This study focuses on the emergence and activities of the Ombatse as an alternative security apparatus of the Eggon. It presents three years of field research which entailed the use of ethnography, key informant interviews and observation. The findings reveal that the Ombatse emerged to assert historical legitimacy for both the physical and spiritual securitisation of the Eggon through a return to the ancestral ways of social engineering. The study considers the security challenges in Nigeria, and also situates the Eggon historical context within political, religious, sociocultural and economic intersections of securitisation. It concludes that the Ombatse situates its legitimacy within the Eggon past and retains its relevance through the holistic focus of providing both physical and spiritual security.     

区间条件下有限制期的应急物资动员方案选择

分析了不确定条件下应急物资动员系统网络结构的特征,把应急物资动员问题抽象为动员点选择、动员点上动员量的确定和动员点到需求点的最佳路径调配等问题.采用区间数刻画动员时间的不确定性,建立了有动员限制期的应急物资动员方案模型,给出相应的求解思路和计算步骤.最后,以某区域突发事件发生后汽油类物资动员方案的生成为例,得到区间条件...     

Explaining third world security structures

Why did the Palestinian Authority established in 1994 create 12 security forces when Eritrea, which achieved independence in 1994, made do with one conventional army? This article attempts to explain the variation in the structure of national security systems in Third World states as a function of two basic factors: the state's political and social heterogeneity and the state's relative importance to US foreign policy and security concerns. Authoritarian one-party and centralizing states tend to fragment their security forces more than states that cultivate social or political pluralism. Fragmentation is a classic exercise of divide and rule. But a tradeoff exists between fragmentation and assuring internal security on the one hand, and ensuring offensive capabilities to ward off external enemies, on the other. Hence the importance of a strong foreign ally – preferably the United States. According to this model, centralized homogenous states enjoying US protection will tend to fragment or bifurcate their security systems most.     

美国网络霸权对中国国家安全的影响及对策

随着互联网对现实世界的影响越来越大,战略地位越来越突出,获得网络主导权、占据网络制高点成为各国竞相努力的目标。美国在全球网络管理、网络技术、网络文化、网络军事等方面处于霸主地位。美国网络霸权对中国的政治安全、信息安全、文化安全、军事安全造成了极大的威胁。中国应综合采取各种措施,应对美国网络霸权的冲击和挑战,维护国家安全和利益。