高校化学教学应注重智力开发和能力培养

本文讨论了高等院校化学教学中对学生的智力发展和能力培养问题 ,从思维能力培养、实验操作能力培养、自学能力培养、文献检索能力培养、计算机应用能力培养和创造能力培养等几个方面论述了对学生智力发展和能力培养的重要性 ,以及所采取的具体方法     

美军联合职业军官培养机制透析

当前,美军在培养联合作战指挥人才方面已走在世界前列,建立起比较完备的联合职业军官培养机制,具有不断更新的培养理念,贯穿全程的培养体系,成龙配套的培养构成,日臻完善的培养法规,培养了大批联合作战指挥军官和参谋军官。     

从重复信号博弈看国防生培养机制

文章运用重复信号博弈模型,剖析了国防生培养政策中体现的机制设计思想,分析了国防生培养相关政策制订的理论依据,指出了国防生培养相关政策中存在的问题,进而提出了改进、完善国防生培养机制的政策建议。     

新军事变革中的人才培养思考

新军事变革对军事人才的培养提出了新的要求.本文从信息化、质量建军和跨越式发展三个方面分析了新军事人才培养的必要性.借鉴美军人才培养模式,从培养理念、培养模式和培养机制三个方面给出了新型军事人才培养的策略选择.     

军队科技人才在不同培养模式下的培养成本比较研究

文章选择军队技术院校培养、地方技术院校培养、军队用人单位培养三个具有代表性的军队科技人才培养模式,从综合成本、成本来源结构及成本开支结构三方面比较它们的差异,并对成本差异进行了具体分析。最后,在总结分析结果的基础上提出了降低军队科技人才培养成本、提高成本效益的对策。     

构建科学育人模式培养新一代革命军人

习主席提出的培养有灵魂、有本事、有血性、有品德的新一代革命军人的伟大号召,回答和解决了新形势下培养什么样的军人、怎样培养军人这个大课题,是一个宏大的战略工程和复杂的系统工程,必须立足岗位实践,坚持系统化设计、工程化推进,突出全员培养、全面培养、全维培养、全程培养,走开走活综合育人、科学育人的方法路子.     

以天下为己任——清华大学党委副书记杨振斌就有关国防生问题答本刊记者

1998年总政与北大、清华签订了为军队培养干部意向书,率先开展了依托高校培养国防生试点工作。五年来,两校取得了很多成绩和经验。日前记者专访了清华大学党委副书记杨振斌同志,请他谈谈有关培养国防生的问题。记者:杨书记,你好!清华大学作为第一批为军队培养国防生的高校,请你谈一谈清华大学为军队培养国防生的重大意义。杨振斌:对国防生的培养对我们来说     

“管理科学与工程“专业硕士研究生培养与实践

针对学院“管理科学与工程专业”研究生的培养,详细讨论了该学科的定位和培养目标;结合军队特点,论证了培养方向以及相应培养计划的制订;结合培养过程中教学与科研紧密结合的特点,介绍了人才培养与学术、科研并重所取得的实际成果以及在职研究生培养的若干经验;说明了围绕学科建设在加强学术队伍和教学基础建设方面进行的主要工作;并对目前存在的一些具体问题进行了探讨。     

对话海军政治部干部部副部长徐太勇——军地融合打造高素质人才方阵

国防生专业填补海军院校培养空白解放军生活:依托普通高等教育培养军队干部是一项朝阳事业,在摸着石头过河的10年多时间里,海军依托培养工作在实践探索中都取得了哪些成绩?徐太勇:1999年以来,海军先后与14所普通高校签订依托培养协议,设立12个选培办,投入3000多万元专项经费,出台了15     

坚持问题导向抓好国防生血性培养

习主席关于着力培养"四有"新一代革命军人的重要指示,为抓好国防生培养指明了方向。新形势下,必须紧盯国防生培养的特点规律,尤其是针对血性培养方面存在的突出矛盾和问题,因材施教、因人制宜,采取有力措施,锻造有血性、能打胜仗的过硬队伍。     

Helping hands: civil–military cooperation and Italy's military operation abroad

In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population.     

Terrorism,insurgency, kidnapping,and security in Africa's energy sector

Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD).     

Tacit support for terrorism: The rapprochement between the USSR and Palestinian guerrilla organizations following the 1967 war

This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels.     

A1 Qaeda and the radical Islamic challenge to western strategy

The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses.     

Helping hands: external support for the KNU insurgency in Burma

This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work.     

Reviews

Douglas S. Derrer, We Are All the Target: A Handbook of Terrorism Avoidance and Hostage Survival. Annapolis, MD: US Naval Institute Press, 1992. Pp. x+135, notes, index. $14.95. ISBN 01–55750–150–5

Ian Knight, Zulu: Isandlwana and Rorke's Drift, 22–23 January 1879. London: Windrow & Greene, 1992. Pp.136, 150 illus., incl 8 colour plates, maps, biblio. £35. ISBN 1–872004–23–7

Ian Knight, By the Orders of the Great White Queen: Campaigning in Zululand through the Eyes of the British Soldiers, 1879. London: Greenhill Books and Novato: Presidio Press, 1992. Pp. 272, 17 illus., 1 map. £18.95. ISBN 1–85367–122–3

Manfried Rauchensteiner and Erwin A. Schmidl (eds.), Formen des Krieges: vom Mittelalter zum ‘Low‐intensity’ Conflict’. Graz : Verlag Styria, 1991. Pp.208. DM35. ISBN 3–22–12139–7

Harold J. Kearsley, Maritime Power and the Twenty‐First Century. Dartmouth: Dartmouth Publishing Company, Limited, 1992. Pp.xv + 203, 13 diagrams, index. £32.50. ISBN 1–85521–288–9     

基于GTST-DMLD-ESD的装备RMS建模仿真

装备的RMS是装备的重要设计参数,是影响战备完好和保障能力的关键因素.引入GTST-DMLD作为主要建模工具,建立起装备系统的RMS描述模型,以ESD为补充和扩展,对维修过程进行建模.并以GTST-DMLD-ESD模型作为装备RMS仿真的核心,对装备RMS仿真模型的总体框架进行了研究,并对各模块进行了较为详细的探讨.     

Cyber sheiks and grassroots jihadis: the war in Syria and the devolution of the Bosnian Salafi communities

ABSTRACT

What was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer.