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111.
ABSTRACT

The legal equality of combatants (LEC) is a fixture of international law and just war theory. Both scholars who embrace and those who reject the moral equality of combatants seem committed to the legal equality of combatants. Their reasons usually include pragmatic worries about unjust combatants committing even more harm if they were to be simply prohibited from fighting. In this article I argue that this sweeping commitment to the legal equality of combatants is mistaken and that it is often grounded in a misunderstanding of the way international law governs behavior.  相似文献   
112.
软件测试工具很难达到通用的目标,大多数该类工具都是具体针对某一种或几种程序语言的.对于目前我军常用的程序编写语言开发相应的软件自动测试工具是十分必要的.介绍了一个面向C程序的测试用例自动生成系统,重点阐述了其系统结构的构成以及所采用的一个新的搜索寻优算法.该算法有效地改善了前有算法的一些缺陷,显示出不错的效果.  相似文献   
113.
军事冲突中战术欺骗的一个优化模型   总被引:4,自引:2,他引:2  
军事冲突中实施战术欺骗已成为信息战的一个重要手段.基于军事冲突中战术欺骗所要达到的目标以及欺骗手段的资源约束和效果影响,建立了一个使军事欺骗总体效能达到最大的战术欺骗优化模型.给出的一个应用例子说明了该模型和方法的可行性.  相似文献   
114.
The term “hybrid warfare” is a new one that the West began to use to explain its failure to cope with asymmetric threats. Focusing on the war on global terrorism, the West temporarily withdrew its attention from traditional adversaries, such as Russia, which has used this gap and has audaciously returned to the stage as a global actor. Until the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula in 2014 and inflaming the Ukrainian crisis, most Western authors attributed “hybrid threats” mostly to non-state actors. But the Ukrainian scenario showed the true face of “hybridity” in the modern battlefield when practised by a powerful state actor. Russian “hybrid warfare” in Ukraine has already been seen as a combination of conventional and unconventional methods, that have been complemented with other instruments of national power – diplomatic, economic and information. The purpose of this article is, through an analysis of the Ukrainian scenario, to demonstrate that although the term “hybrid” is new, the concept itself is old and is a continuation of already seen doctrine from the Cold War era. Although “hybrid threats” can come both from state and non-state actors, the Russian interference in Ukraine is proof that they are especially dangerous for the West if, or when, they are initiated from a traditional, sophisticated adversary that has the capacity to use all forms of warfare.  相似文献   
115.
In June 2016, the Colombian Government and the FARC insurgent movement signed a ceasefire agreement, which brings the two sides one step closer to putting an end to over five decades of war. Unfortunately, Latin America has a rich history of insurgent movements, particularly during the cold war era, some of which continue to operate today. Most of these movements disappeared due to military operations, though some did so via peace negotiations. This essay aims to discuss the various ends of Latin American insurgencies to answer whether, indeed, insurgents can be negotiated with.  相似文献   
116.
针对D-S证据理论在高冲突下失效的问题,在比较修正原始证据源和重新分配冲突两种方法的基础上,提出一种新的合成规则,新方法用可信度修正证据的同时,把全局冲突分为两部分,并依据"全局冲突在全局分配、局部冲突在局部分配"的原则对冲突进行细化分配。通过仿真分析,并与其他方法比较,新的合成方法能更好地融合冲突证据,收敛速度快,具有较强的抗干扰能力。  相似文献   
117.
传统调和式态势估计方法在面对多源冲突数据时融合效果不佳。为此,提出一种基于冲突数据聚类的非调和式态势估计方法。首先利用迭代自组织数据聚类方法(ISODATA)对多源冲突数据进行聚类,然后利用频度和可信度对数据簇的重要性进行评估,最后得到态势估计结果。仿真结果表明,与传统态势估计方法相比,所提方法在融合多源冲突数据时能够得到可信度较高的态势估计结果。  相似文献   
118.
基于并发式检测时序的几何级冲突检测策略研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1       下载免费PDF全文
以三维CAD实时协同设计为背景,深入研究了实时协同设计中的数据冲突检测问题,提出了三维实时协同设计中的数据冲突本质上就是实体特征冲突的思想。在此基础上,探讨了基于特征的冲突检测方法,并针对其不足之处,提出了一种可行性较高的几何级冲突检测策略及其相应的检测时序方案,研究了其冲突检测数据结构、冲突检测规则。此冲突检测思想在PTC公司的Pro/Engineer平台上进行了算法验证,取得了较好的冲突检测效果。  相似文献   
119.
由于多智能体系统(MAS)中各个Agent具有自治性、分布性和异构性等特征,导致MAS内部经常会出现冲突现象。首先,运用数学方法对MAS中存在的属性冲突进行形式化描述,并将其分为6类,针对每类冲突提出了相应的消解对策。其次,对属性冲突智能消解系统(AACIRS)流程框架进行了分析,并在此基础上建立了AACIRS系统,实现了MAS中属性冲突的消解。从而为解决MAS中Agent属性冲突提供了解决方案,为MAS的稳定运行提供了技术保证。  相似文献   
120.
Perhaps surprisingly, given the availability of new Russian memoir material, some excellent individual monographs, and a large variety of declassified documents, a full operational–political account of the Soviet Union's withdrawal strategy from Afghanistan has yet to be written. This article, utilising openly published yet neglected sources, attempts to fill that gap. The final fate of the Najibullah regime, and the contradictory effect of the National Reconciliation Policy in Afghanistan itself, suggests four key lessons for international forces today as disengagement from both Iraq and Afghanistan again becomes a pressing issue, and as questions around re-creating stability within a failed state scenario again occupy the international community.  相似文献   
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