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91.
Akinbode Fasakin 《African Security Review》2017,26(1):87-108
This study contends that an analysis of the nexus between leadership and security offers useful insights into explaining conflict by stating that the conceptualisation of these argots, especially through the definition of leadership as a process, helps to explain and address Nigeria’s security challenges. By arguing that leaders’ ability to establish mutuality with their followers in any situation and set collectively-generated means for attaining these set goals for societal security, the study shows how such a relationship creates a secured state. This is not the case in Nigeria, where leaders’ security decisions are influenced by external actors rather than by their followers. By showing that the Nigerian ruling elite’s security agendas intersect with dominant global notions of security while neglecting genuine security interests of ordinary Nigerians, the study contextualises the complex global and local security interests in Nigeria. The lack of an intersection at home, however, has contributed to the emergence of extremists such as the Boko Haram sect, as well as the escalation of the acts of violence they perpetrate. As national insecurities become complex and intractable, ‘elegant’ or unilinear solutions – such as a military approach – lack the capacity to address these problems. 相似文献
92.
Ian Westerman 《Defense & Security Analysis》2017,33(3):276-288
The existing guidelines for security sector reform (SSR) tend to draw on theoretical work in the field of civil–military relations, which in turn has been derived from Western, liberal democratic models of governance. Although guidelines strongly advise that local culture and context need to be considered when drawing up objectives for post-conflict SSR programmes, this is not often reflected in practice. This article considers some of the reasons for this, citing both in-country challenges and donor-related issues, and suggests that one of the biggest problems is a lack of alternative, non-orthodox models of civil–military relations to draw upon. It is further suggested that elements of suitable alternative models may be found in states which possess political structures not entirely dissimilar to the Western, liberal democratic ideal, but which can offer different perspectives. Detailed research of these structures should produce a pool of sub-models which could then be employed to create bespoke, culturally appropriate objectives for use in post-conflict SSR programmes. 相似文献
93.
Kenton White 《Defence Studies》2017,17(4):346-358
The use of commercial business management techniques is widespread in all government departments, including the Ministry of Defence. This article examines the use of popular management techniques in the Armed Forces and argues that their application is misplaced. It looks at what the “effs” – “efficiency” and “effectiveness” – mean in the business world and to the Armed Forces. It compares the definitions both in business and the Armed Forces and finds that there are few, if any, situations where the same measurements can be applied. Whilst many management techniques are suited for business, the function of the Armed Forces and its output cannot be measured in the same way, complicated by the different metrics of “efficiency” in peace and in war. This difference may not be clearly understood by some politicians, or indeed by some senior military personnel. Using examples from some of the most popular management techniques such as “Lean” and “Agile” it is possible to see that their use might actually diminish the capabilities of the Armed Forces when it comes to performing their principal role – the use of force to achieve political objectives. 相似文献
94.
Alexander Urnes Johnson Kjetil Hove Tobias Lillekvelland 《Defence and Peace Economics》2017,28(6):669-685
This article examines military expenditure and defence policy in Norway from 1970 to 2013. Until 1990 Norwegian military expenditure remained between 2.5 and 3.0 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Despite constant GDP shares, the military expenditure could not sustain a large and properly armed mobilization army. The constant nominal defence budgets of the 1990s accentuated the Norwegian Armed Forces' underlying imbalance between tasks, structure and budget. Around year 2000, large organizational reforms were effectuated, in which costs, the number of man-years, and underlying imbalances between tasks, structure and budget were reduced. Military expenditure increased in nominal terms between 2003 and 2013, while real military expenditure remained practically constant. 相似文献
95.
Nadine Ansorg 《Contemporary Security Policy》2017,38(1):129-144
Many African states have security sector reform (SSR) programs. These are often internationally funded. But how do such programs account for previously existing security institutions and the security needs of local communities? This article examines SSR all over Africa to assess local ownership and path dependency from a New Institutionalist perspective. It finds that SSR, particularly in post-conflict countries, tends to be driven by ideas and perceptions of international donors promoting generalized blueprints. Often, such programs only account in a very limited way for path-dependent aspects of security institutions or the local context. Hence, the reforms often lack local participation and are thus not accepted by the local community eventually. 相似文献
96.
Bilin Neyapti 《Defence and Peace Economics》2017,28(5):491-510
I present a formal framework to explore the welfare and distributional effects of a government’s optimal choice over two types of public spending in a closed economy: domestic security (DS) and investment in social capital (SC). Production is characterized as a function of social and physical capital stocks that both vary across the regions. DS stands for total factor productivity, while SC stands for human capital and civic cooperativeness combined. SC accumulates via public spending on universal primary education, cultural, and civic events and such, and is exposed to regional spillover effects. Numerical simulations of the static solution of the government’s welfare maximization problem reveal that the optimal rate of spending on SC (m*) is negatively related with the income share of physical capital, SC spillovers and fiscal decentralization. Simulations also show that SC homogeneity is positively associated with both the level and equitability of aggregate income. The maximum attainable levels of income, welfare and social cohesion and the most equitable incomes are all observed to realize at some intermediate range of m* values. In case DS augments SC, however, social cohesion improves and welfare declines monotonously in m*. 相似文献
97.
98.
为深入研究美陆军数据战略目标及实施策略,为我军数据战略研究提供借鉴,文章对美陆军2016年发布的最新《陆军数据战略》进行分析,指出其目标是实现数据的可视化、可获取、可信任、可理解和互操作,并对美陆军数据战略的具体实施策略进行了剖析,指出美国陆军数据战略推动的是美军军事作战理论转型,从"网络为中心"转变为以"数据为中心"作战理念,其核心意图在于以数据优势实现指挥决策优势。 相似文献
99.
以简谐外磁场环境下的J-C模型为研究对象,从系统的哈密顿矩阵出发,通过计算模拟得出热力学纠缠度解析表达式。计算结果表明,对应于不同的外磁场强度,系统热力学纠缠度呈周期性余弦变化,但随环境温度升高快速衰减;在相同环境温度下,系统热力学纠缠度关于磁场强度左右不对称变化。 相似文献
100.
顺序输送是利用一条管道输送多种油品,因其可最大限度发挥管道输送潜能而被广泛应用。按照前后行液体不同可分为水顶油、油顶水和不同油品间顺序输送等,其中水顶油顺序输送主要用于管道撤收前的排空作业。对水顶油顺序输送油水混合过程进行了分析,建立了油水混合模型,利用CFD对其进行数值求解,并将仿真结果与前期理论分析进行了对比,两者吻合较好。所得结论可为机动管线水顶油排空作业提供科学指导。 相似文献