首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   40篇
  免费   1篇
  国内免费   1篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   2篇
  2017年   2篇
  2016年   3篇
  2014年   3篇
  2013年   8篇
  2012年   1篇
  2011年   1篇
  2010年   3篇
  2009年   1篇
  2008年   5篇
  2006年   3篇
  2005年   1篇
  2003年   4篇
  2002年   1篇
  2001年   1篇
  1998年   1篇
  1993年   1篇
排序方式: 共有42条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
本文研究了在产生晃荡电子的特定磁镜磁场位形中。使用哨声波加热等离子体的机制,并对等离子体的参数和等离子体共振区结构进行了测量研究,研究结果表明:(1) 在磁镜基频共振层附近存在等离子体密度峰和电子温度峰;(2) 该峰随着磁镜中心磁场的变化与基频共振层一起移动;(3) 等离子体加热的物理机制为:大量的电子在基频共振层吸收微波,并在此处反弹。  相似文献   
2.
Many researchers have focused on the role colonialism has played in causing interstate border disputes in Africa. Besides the colonial issue, this paper seeks to investigate what other factors fuel interstate border disputes in Africa and determine how effectively the disputes can be resolved. In recent decades, Africa has been tormented by and is still experiencing numerous interstate border disputes which have serious implications for the disputing states. Some of the disputes are resolved, but violations of human rights and instability still occur in these regions. By analysing the content of some relevant documents and with the use of interviews, this paper reveals that most disputing African states rely heavily on foreign intervention (especially by their erstwhile colonial masters) in the resolution of their disputes. It is argued that African leaders need to be more committed and exhibit better leadership in resolving their border disputes, and that they should always seek the expertise of African forums such as the African Union (AU) before calling for foreign intervention. It is suggested that African leaders and the AU understand the problems of Africans better than anyone else, and they are also the ones mostly greatly affected by these disputes. Thus, there needs to be more of a focus on addressing the root causes of disputes in order to avoid them resurfacing, rather than seeking to merely halt them.  相似文献   
3.
4.
AFRICA     
Political violence, at times perceived as terrorism, remains a major security challenge in Swaziland. The common view is that this violence is perpetrated by those who feel marginalised from the political process. Central to the hypothesis advanced in this paper is that any effective solution to the menace of political violence and the security challenges it poses begins with an awareness of the symbiotic relation between security, human rights and democracy. It has been empirically proven that abuse of human rights can lead to violence, which negates peace and security in any society. In terms of content the paper looks at the shape of political violence in Swaziland. Next, it discusses the strategies and ideas behind efforts by the Swazi state to combat political violence and the counter-arguments. The final section shows the inextricable link between security, human rights and democracy; and argues that recognising this linkage can provide the key to unlocking the security puzzle in Swaziland.  相似文献   
5.
科学技术是核心战斗力,科技创新思维是开启科技创新的“金钥匙”。为实现科技兴军目标,必须高度重视对科技创新思维的研究。本文首先提出马克思主义哲学是指导科技创新思维的锐利思想武器,并从唯物论、辨证法及认识论三个方面进行了论证;其次提出科技创新思维的三个本质特征,即新颖性、全维度和多样性;最后从五个方面提出科技创新思维的实践要求,即深刻认识创新对象、紧贴创新目标要求、重视创新实践探索、建构积淀创新知识、忠于坚守创新追求。  相似文献   
6.
The Sri Lankan Civil War (1983–2009) is regarded as a violent reflection of deepening divides along political and ethnic lines. During this civil war the Sri Lankan Government and its security forces have been implicated in unlawful killings carried out in a pervasive manner against civilians, whilst at the same time specifically targeting ethnic Tamils, humanitarian workers and journalists. The human rights of all citizens suffered as a result and ultimately led to the weakening of the rule of law. With the end of the civil war, the Sri Lankan Government has made little progress in providing accountability for wartime abuses. Its absence of and reluctance to ensure justice is seen as a logical culmination of decades of impunity. The importance of acknowledging historical behaviour and taking accountability for past violations will be discussed. In an analysis for paving the way to a new democracy in Sri Lanka, the main outcomes of this article are calls for accountability arising out of the government’s actions during the war; an investigation into the present state of human rights, the rule of law and finally; an examination into the political solution going forward to ensure a process of reconciliation and peaceful co-existence.  相似文献   
7.
As empathetic as distant nations may feel about an ongoing or looming catastrophe in a particular region of Africa, they are too far removed from the horror to grasp its gravity and impact. Geographical proximity to the atrocity, and the likelihood of its spreading to their neighbourhoods, make the communities and neighbouring countries in the imploding region the best and most effective first responders to a crisis in their own backyard. A response from ‘communal’ or ‘regional’ groups is, therefore, the most practical measure for preventing human rights violations in Africa from descending into an actual genocide or an intractable genocidal condition. A community approach to preventing genocide and other human rights abuses should serve as the foundation for a new concept of ‘moral pan-Africanism’ on the African continent in the 21st century. This article makes an argument for this genocide prevention model and new moral concept.  相似文献   
8.
军事行政法从严原则应当成为军事行政法的一项基本原则。其基本涵义是军事行政法的制定具有严密性 ,军事行政法的实施具有严格性 ,军事行政法律制裁具有严厉性。该原则是军队质量建设的规律之一 ,是维护国防利益和军事利益的内在要求。军事行政法中的很多具体规定均体现了该原则  相似文献   
9.
This paper examines the ways in which the military infringes on the social and political rights of soldiers who joined the Zimbabwe National Army in post-independence Zimbabwe. Contrary to the scholarly and policy debates that present Zimbabwean soldiers as the silent prop behind President Robert Mugabe and the perpetrators of political violence, this paper argues that these soldiers have also been victimised in army barracks. The victimhood of soldiers has been explicit in the ways in which they are forced to execute their duties beyond their professional expectations. In substantiating this argument, the paper explores the unethical military training and the ways in which soldiers are disciplined and punished through Chapter 11:02 of the draconian Defence Act. The paper’s contribution stems from a ‘rights’ perspective that emphasises the right to freedom, justice and protection, which is usually quite silent in the military. But the question is how can soldiers’ concerns be translated into new practices without compromising so-called ‘state security’?  相似文献   
10.
This study models the structural sources of variation in the use of selective (discriminate) repression within 89 civil wars fought between 1981 and 2005. The severity of repressive violence is modeled as a function of the amount of territory being contested by the insurgents. This idea is operationalized using measures of the location, size, and density of insurgency violence. The analysis finds evidence that the repressive behavior of both governments and rebel groups is linked to conflict geography. Governments violate physical integrity rights more frequently and kill more civilians the greater the overall amount of territory under contestation. Rebels kill more civilians in highly dispersed insurgencies that lack a clear epicenter.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号