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1.
新疆军区部队是一支具有光荣历史和优良传统的部队,其前身诞生于井冈山和鄂豫皖革命根据地,经历了新民主主义革命和社会主义建设的各个历史时期.  相似文献   

2.
由于现代篮球比赛复杂多变,紧张激烈,许多违反规则动作隐蔽性强.如果没有良好的裁判技能和判断能力,常常会出现误判、漏判、错判或偏判及裁判员移动不到位、手势不规范等现象,影响比赛的顺利进行.甚至形成裁判表演的局面.篮球裁判员要高质量地完成裁判任务,不仅要具备良好的体能和裁判技能,还应具有敏捷,迅速、准确的心理判断能力.……  相似文献   

3.
第二次世界大战结束后,美、英、法、苏等盟国分割德国虽然是出于对付法西斯的需要,却在占领国美、英、法与苏联之间制造了新的矛盾.20世纪40年代末期,随着冷战的到来,美、英、法等国为加强中欧的地位,策划其在西德和西柏林的"联合占领区",并着手利用马歇尔计划复兴德国,宣布单方面实行币制改革.  相似文献   

4.
现在有许多老教师都有这样的感叹:教书数十年了,可越教越不会教了!这看来惶惑心理的流露.其实是"实话实说".一直以来都沿用一种模式"老师讲,学生听",教师就是从事教学的"教书匠".这种教学模式取消了学生的主人翁地位,学生只是被动地装老师灌入的大多不理解的东西.社会在发展,社会需求也必然在不断地变化,教育应该随着社会对人才的需求去改变教学方法,培养社会需要的人才,才能适应社会的需要,促进社会的发展.  相似文献   

5.
近期看了中央台<探索*发现>"孔子石碑为何会流泪?"一篇记实报道,感触颇深.对于这一奇物的自然现象该怎样解释呢? 一说:是"铁石心肠"人性化了,是为孔圣人流的泪,以表达人们尊师重教的心情. 一说:是树木多,湿度大,露水落到石碑上形成的.  相似文献   

6.
杨帆 《军事历史》2007,(5):55-57
1941年1月,皖南事变发生以后不久,蒋介石发布了<通电>和<训令>,编造谎言,污蔑新四军"扰乱战局,破坏抗日阵线,阴谋不轨",(中国人民大学党史资料室:<中共党史教学参考资料>,605页,中国人民大学出版社,1979)随即宣布解散新四军,撤销新四军番号,将军长叶挺送交军法审判.  相似文献   

7.
在革命战争年代,中国共产党领导的人民军队以劣势装备先后打败了装备精良的日本军队和国民党军队,建立了新中国.但抗美援朝战争爆发后,中国人民志愿军在面对美国军队时发现:以往很多行之有效的经验不灵了.究其原因,主要是美军对志愿军在武器装备方面占有绝对优势,这种优势是日军对八路军、新四军的优势和国民党军对人民解放军的优势远远不能比拟的.这一特点深刻影响了志愿军的作战行动,改变了人民军队在以往战争中形成的很多作战原则,也深刻影响了抗美援朝战争的结局.  相似文献   

8.
实事求是是党的马克思主义思想路线的核心.这四个字说起来容易,做到却很难.它既受思想水平、认识能力的限制,同时又检验着一个人(特别是领导干部)的党性原则,所思所想所作所为是否真正出于公心.对中国革命作出了重大贡献的无产阶级革命家、军事家粟裕大将,堪称坚持实事求是的楷模.  相似文献   

9.
金沙江边,瓢泼大雨,车队艰难行进在泥泞打滑的山脊上。夜空漆黑、群山寂静,汽车灯光刺破雨幕穿透夜空……8月30日,攀枝花——凉山会理发生6.1级地震,造成凉山州会理县30个乡镇10.3万人受灾。9月3日凌晨3点,宁南民兵在大雨中集结出发。15个小时、近400公里的冒雨急行军,150多名应急民兵抵达了地震的重灾区  相似文献   

10.
农一师幸福城农场位于阿克苏市东南155公里处,塔克拉玛大沙漠西北边缘,距阿拉尔市26公里。现有耕地面积8.2万亩,总人口6836人,职工2113人,下属基层单位13个。2009年,全场种植棉花6万亩,总产籽棉3112万公斤,平均单产500多公斤,林果面积2.2万亩,果品总产1.3万多吨。  相似文献   

11.
In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population.  相似文献   

12.
运用当前国际上最流行的MATLAB软件及SIMULINK软件包,对8-300柴油机带水力测功器系统进行了PID控制器的设计及仿真,并分析了仿真结果,最后得出了对实现该系统控制有重要价值的PID控制器.  相似文献   

13.
针对目前网络在人们的日常生活中的应用越来越广泛这种实际情况,介绍一些与网络数据安全有关的知识,对数据加密模型、对称(私用密钥)加密体制、非对称(公开密钥)加密体制等概念及常用算法进行了介绍。通过列举的方法介绍了加密应用中常用的几种技术,得出了XML加密技术在网络加密技术应用中有不可比拟的优势的结论。  相似文献   

14.
This article provides an in-depth examination and analysis of the 2006–2009 Tuareg rebellion in Mali and Niger. It identifies the underlying reasons behind the rebellion, explores contrasting counter-insurgency (COIN) strategies employed by the two governments, and presents some lessons learned. While both COIN approaches ultimately produced similar peace settlements, the article argues that the Malian strategy of reconciliation combined with the selective use of force was far more effective than the Nigerien iron fist approach at limiting the size and scope of the insurgency and producing a more sustainable peace. It concludes by looking at the role of external actors, particularly the United States, and how the failure to internationalize the conflict was actually more beneficial to the local COIN effort, as well as to the longer strategic interests of the United States in the region.  相似文献   

15.
This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels.  相似文献   

16.
From 1965 to the present, Colombia has been confronted by the insurgency of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). The threat reached a new level in 1996 with the advent of mobile warfare, whereby large units sought to neutralize the military in an effort to seize power and institute a Marxist-Leninist regime. Unlike Vietnam, what followed was a regaining of the strategic initiative by the government and a decimation of the insurgent threat. This was accomplished with US assistance but from first to last was driven by Colombian leadership and strategy. The strategy which led to this signal change, ‘Democratic Security’, unfolded under the leadership of President Álvaro Uribe. It was a civil–military partnership, which sought to expand the writ of Colombian democracy to all elements of society. Securing the population provided the shield behind which economic, social, and political life could occur as driven by the will of the people. It was the agreement upon legitimacy as the strategic goal and reform as the route to that goal which allowed the Colombians and the Americans to work so well together.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT

What was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer.  相似文献   

18.
A change order is frequently initiated by either the supplier or the buyer, especially when the contract is long‐term or when the contractual design is complex. In response to a change order, the buyer can enter a bargaining process to negotiate a new price. If the bargaining fails, she pays a cancellation fee (or penalty) and opens an auction. We call this process the sequential bargaining‐auction (BA). At the time of bargaining, the buyer is uncertain as to whether the bargained price is set to her advantage; indeed, she might, or might not, obtain a better price in the new auction. To overcome these difficulties, we propose a new change‐order‐handling mechanism by which the buyer has an option to change the contractual supplier after bargaining ends with a bargained price. We call this the option mechanism. By this mechanism, the privilege of selling products or services is transferred to a new supplier if the buyer exercises the option. To exercise the option, the buyer pays a prespecified cash payment, which we call the switch price, to the original supplier. If the option is not exercised, the bargained price remains in effect. When a switch price is proposed by the buyer, the supplier decides whether or not to accept it. If the supplier accepts it, the buyer opens an auction. The option is exercised when there is a winner in the auction. This article shows how, under the option mechanism, the optimal switch price and the optimal reserve price are determined. Compared to the sequential BA, both the buyer and the supplier benefit. Additionally, the option mechanism coordinates the supply chain consisting of the two parties. © 2015 Wiley Periodicals, Inc. Naval Research Logistics 62: 248–265, 2015  相似文献   

19.
Recently, in July 2012, the high-profile and bitterly fought nine-month race for the post of Chair of the African Union (AU) Commission, between Dr Jean Ping of Gabon, and his main challenger, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, culminated in the latter's victory. Her victory came after the deadlock at the Eighteenth AU Summit in January 2012. Borne out of the considered need for a quick fix through reliance on a vote of expediency, the election of Dr Dlamini-Zuma represented a political resolution to the crisis that arose due to the earlier ongoing electoral deadlock. Far from being a competitive election by design, the 2012 AU Commission election by default became transformed into an intensely fought campaign that put the AU in the limelight. This article briefly introduces the electoral process, explains in detail the voting behaviour of AU member states, and offers five specific reasons for the victory of Dr Dlamini-Zuma. On the surface the election looks very competitive, but the article explains why this is not the case. To create greater competition for these posts, the AU needs to overhaul the nomination process and the voting procedure. In this regard, the article proffers detailed analysis and proposes a radical revision of the existing criteria for the nomination. The article also proposes specific recommendations for the amendment of the rules of procedure of the AU Assembly to allow for a qualified majority as a deadlock breaker in the fifth round. It also assesses whether the integrity of the AU Commission election was damaged during the campaigning and voting process. In this regard, it recommends the development of a code of conduct for future elections at the AU.  相似文献   

20.
This article argues that, under certain conditions, allowing insurgents into the political process – through elections or government posts – can be a useful tool in the peace process and can help end insurgencies. However, bringing insurgents into the political process is unlikely to end insurgencies on its own, particularly if insurgents, the government, or the population believes that force is still a viable means of defeating the opponent and changing the status quo. The article begins with a brief overview of the causes of insurgency and on conflict resolution for internal wars. The article then considers two examples of insurgents that have entered the political process – the Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Northern Ireland and Hezbollah in Lebanon – and the differing degrees of success in transforming these insurgents to non-violent participants in the political process. It concludes by suggesting how insurgents can be brought into the political process as part of conflict resolution and the implications for Afghanistan.  相似文献   

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