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针对由多个领导智能体和多个跟随智能体组成的多智能体组,提出一种障碍环境下具有多领导者的组行为生成方法。该方法属于分布式控制方法,其利用组中的领导智能体控制跟随智能体,使得跟随智能体的中心和速度分别指数收敛于组中所有领导智能体的加权位置中心和加权平均速度,且每个领导智能体权重的大小取决于其所带领的跟随智能体的数目。另外,该方法通过在障碍的边缘引入虚拟的“ β-智能体”,使组中的个体具有与环境中的静态和动态障碍避碰的能力,最终生成真实的障碍空间中具有多领导者的组行为。最后以虚拟人智能体组为载体进行仿真实验,验证了该方法的有效性。 相似文献
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针对自主水下航行器(AUV)编队式航行中存在智能体间相互碰撞的危险,提出一种自主水下航行器的无碰协调控制技术,包含了编队协调控制和无碰策略等多种基本行为的融合.在编队控制中运用基于级联方法的路径跟踪控制技术和参数一致性的协同控制方法,保证了跟踪误差的渐近稳定,采用HRVO算法的无碰避障策略,使得AUV可以同时避开一般障碍物和其他AUV的碰撞危险.仿真结果表明,该AUV编队式无碰协调控制技术可使各AUV在避开碰撞危险的情况下,快速收敛到各自的参考路径,并保持编队的协调一致性. 相似文献
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针对威胁环境下的多智能体协同轨迹规划问题,以轮式机器人为对象,研究了基于序列凸优化方法的协同轨迹规划方法。首先通过对轮式机器人模型的分析,给出单独轮式机器人实际物理约束,同时以状态量、控制量加权为性能指标,考虑运动学方程、避障避碰约束、个体物理性能约束、终端约束,建立多轮式机器人协同轨迹规划问题;其次,对运动学方程、避障避碰约束进行凸化,证明了满足凸化后的避障避碰约束的解也满足原始避障避碰约束,并进行了几何直观解释;然后,将凸优化子问题进行离散化与松弛化,采用序列凸优化架构进行问题求解;最后,通过数值仿真,对比了松弛序列凸优化方法与现有非线性优化求解器的求解效率。结果表明,松弛序列凸优化方法在尽可能保证最优性的同时大大缩短了计算时间,具有一定工程意义。 相似文献
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无人机规避或跟踪空中目标可以看作是一个非线性运动导引控制问题。针对这类任务中无人机和目标存在高机动性、高时敏性等特点,提出了一种基于Lyapunov稳定性理论的无人机规避或跟踪目标运动导引方法。构建了基于精细时间运动导引方法的无人机规避或跟踪空中目标问题求解框架,并将无人机碰撞规避和机动目标跟踪问题分别转化为到达虚拟目标点和与虚拟目标点交会的问题。针对碰撞规避问题,将其转化为实现平行导引的控制问题,基于Lyapunov稳定性理论设计了无人机碰撞规避导引律。针对机动目标跟踪问题,在碰撞规避基础上,根据目标点交会的要求设计了相应的目标跟踪导引律。在Gazebo平台上开展了仿真验证实验,实验结果表明:所提方法能够有效避免大过载情况的出现,并具有较强的时变和参数适应性。 相似文献
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基于复杂网络和传播动力学相关原理,构建了符合大型船舶人员交互特征的社交网络,定义了传播网络层级结构,分析了交互网络拓扑生成的5项规则,给出了大型船舶流行病传播社交网络构成方法。基于多智能体技术,研究了交互网络节点成员属性和流行病传播特点,给出了智能体成员状态空间的基本构成形式,融合防护治疗、管控隔离、信息交互等因素的物理特征,构建了智能体状态迁移和行为交互过程算法,并分析论证了衰减函数的结构及区间特性。对比距离恒定模型和随机游走模型,分别对典型大型船舶流行病传播过程分4种工况12种状态进行了仿真计算,结果表明:随机游走模型更适合信息量丰富条件下的大型船舶流行病早期传播过程模拟仿真和疫情防控策略分析。 相似文献
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瞬息万变的空战环境和日益复杂的空战任务导致应用动态规划法解决机动决策问题容易造成"维数灾难"。基于函数拟合思想优化逼近近似值函数,解决了空战状态的连续性问题。同时,针对近似动态规划在解决机动决策问题时未考虑"过冲"机动和碰撞的问题,提出惩罚因子对近似动态规划法的攻击占位决策方法进行改进。这种方法能够有效应对快速变化的战场态势,而且不需要对空战战术构建专有的战术库。为了验证模型的有效性,将改进的近似动态规划法进行了实验仿真,仿真结果表明改进的攻击决策方法能够有效避免"过冲"机动和碰撞问题,具有较强的鲁棒性。 相似文献
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In the Post-Bipolar Era the growing complexity of the military operations requires a new approach for the resolution of international crises. Since the end of the Cold War, peace support operations (PSO) have become the mainstay and principal occupation of most Western armies. At the same time, Italy has been one of the most important actors in such an area. The article focuses on the cooperation between military and civil components (a process called CIMIC) as a key variable in the Italian PSOs. We will analyse in detail the main lessons learned from past military interventions as well as the general context in which new tendencies are taking place. The maintaining of a minimum security frame becomes essential to fulfil activities ‘collateral’ to the mission: reconstructing services and infrastructure, food distribution, water and medication, law and order, de-mining, training of local forces, and supporting local institutions. These are the main tasks to obtain thrust and support from the population. 相似文献
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Lord Aikins Adusei 《African Security Review》2013,22(3):332-359
Energy continues to serve as the bedrock of modern economies and the main driver of modern society. For Africa, the production and supply of energy resources such as crude oil, natural gas, uranium, coal, biomass, biofuels and other renewables are an important source of employment, rents, taxes, royalties and profits. This sector brings in several tens of billions of dollars of revenue annually. The production and delivery of such resources, however, depend on critical infrastructures such as pipelines, refineries, processing plants, terminals, rigs, electrical energy pylons, substations, pump stations, vessels, and tankers. These infrastructures have been attacked by terrorists, insurgents, vandals and saboteurs, all of whom see them as targets against which to register their grievances and extract concessions from the state. This paper is a chronological account of some of the documented incidents of terrorism, insurgency, kidnapping, destruction, sabotage, and human casualties suffered in the oil and gas sectors in Africa between 1999 and 2012. It is based on data extracted from the databases of the RAND Database of World Terrorism Incidents and the University of Maryland's Global Terrorism Database (GTD). 相似文献
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Paul Rich 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):39-56
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses. 相似文献
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This article demonstrates the inconsistent and wavering Soviet attitude towards national liberation movements in general and the Palestinian organizations in particular. Until the late 1960s, the Soviets viewed these organizations with suspicion, hesitating to engage in political dialogue with them. However, in the 1970s, political and military events in the region, as well as modifications in the Kremlin's Cold War strategies, led to a general shift towards the Middle East in Soviet foreign policy. Soviet leaders showed increased willingness to provide certain Palestinian organizations with arms with which to conduct terrorist activities against Israeli, pro-Israeli, Jewish and Western targets. The article explores the complex relations between Palestinian organizations and the USSR in the field of international terror. The study also exposes and analyzes the nature and content of Soviet–Palestinian arms dialogues and transactions. It provides clear evidence that Soviet policymakers and other luminaries were fully informed of, and sometimes directly involved in, these transactions and dialogues at the highest levels. 相似文献
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Jelmer Brouwer 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5):835-856
This article analyses to what extent the Burmese KNU insurgency made use of external support from states, refugees, and diasporas. Based on extensive fieldwork it is concluded that support from neighbouring states and refugees has for years kept the Karen rebellion alive. Western countries perceived forms of resistance to the illegitimate Burmese regime as just and have therefore played a crucial role in the continuation of conflict in Karen State. It is important that policymakers and donors as well as executing organizations continue to reflect critically on the way they exercise their work. 相似文献
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Aleksander Zdravkovski 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(5-6):941-963
ABSTRACTWhat was the scope of the Bosnian jihadi participation in the war in Syria? Did the Bosnian volunteers tend to join one particular faction? Why did the Bosnian youngsters decide to join the holy war in the Levant? Was this an organized and hierarchical process or was this a grassroots movement? Last, were all the Salafis in Bosnia supportive of this dynamic or did this process cause internal frictions? These are some of the questions that this research will try to answer. 相似文献
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Christopher Davis 《Defence and Peace Economics》2013,24(3):145-177
The Soviet Union was able to develop a large military-industrial complex and become the world's second superpower despite deficiencies in its centrally planned economy because defence was given high priority status and special planning, rationing and administrative mechanisms were used to attain national security objectives. However, in the period 1976-85 the effectiveness of priority protection diminished and defence institutions experienced more of the problems typical of the shortage economic system. The heavy defence burden also created growing difficulties for the civilian economy. The attempts by the Gorbachev government to reform the defence sector and improve defence-economic relationships during perestroika (1985-91) uniformly failed. For most of the transition period, the Russian military-industrial complex has been adversely affected by its low priority status, cuts in defence spending, instability of the hybrid politico-economic system, and negative growth of the economy. The armed forces and defence industry have been reduced in size and their outputs of military services and equipment have fallen to low levels. Nevertheless, the Russian armed forces still have over one million troops, significant stocks of sophisticated conventional weapons, and a large nuclear arsenal. The government of President Putin has raised the priority of the defence sector, increased real defence spending, and adopted ambitious plans to revive Russian military power. It is likely, though, that tight resource constraints will hamper efforts to reform the armed forces and to upgrade weapons. By 2010 Russia will be an important, but not dominant, military power in Eurasia. 相似文献
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Bettina Renz 《Small Wars & Insurgencies》2013,24(1):55-77
The collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the massive expansion of drug use and trade in Russia. The country now has one of the largest populations of injecting drug users in the world and has become the largest single-country market for Afghan heroin. In 2003 the Federal Service for the Control of the Drugs Trade was created to coordinate a comprehensive counternarcotics strategy appropriate to the scale of this threat. The service continues to face a number of challenges in its early stages of development. However, it has made considerable advances in improving responses to large-scale organised crime and in building international cooperation. 相似文献