联合国利比里亚特派团之授权任务解析

安理会决议表达联合国的意见或意志,具有强制性和法律效力。以安理会第1509号决议为基础,对联合国利比里亚特派团的授权任务进行解析,并论述利政府和联合国利比里亚特派团面临的挑战和相应办法,利于我维和人员了解特派团任务进展情况,有利于更好地执行使命。     

SECURITY GOVERNANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA

In the ten years since the establishment of South Africa's first inclusive democratic government, an ambitious, extensive and systematic process of reform has been carried out in the governance of security. The process is widely regarded as having been successful and a model for other processes of ‘security sector reform’ in the context of transitions from authoritarian forms of governance to democratic ones.

That this been achieved with hardly a shot fired in anger is a remarkable achievement and a credit to visionary political leadership as well as organisational capacity, in other words to effective security governance.

At the same time, progress has been uneven and sometimes fragmentary, policy intentions and commitments have not always been translated into practice, the end results have not been to everyone's liking, and transformation has engendered its own pathologies. Thus several challenges remain in improving security governance.

This article provides a broad overview of the roles played by the various actors in the governance of the security sector, including the executive, parliament and civil society. It examines the main policy frameworks and touches on organisational transformation, because it is impossible to deal with governance in isolation from these issues. Policy processes and the frameworks they give rise to—in particular—are critical for effective governance. This article deals with the defence, safety and security and intelligence fields. A comprehensive overview would need to include the governance of criminal justice and foreign policy. The article does not seek to make an overall evaluation of governance, but to identify achievements, shortfalls and challenges.     

我国建设工程消防监督管理制度研究

综述了我国建设工程消防监督管理制度的历史沿革,对现行建设工程消防监督管理制度的创新进行了分析,指出了现行建设工程消防监督管理制度运行中所面临的挑战。     

Warning whom,for which response?

In June 2000, the Conference of Heads of State and Government of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) adopted the Protocol on the establishment of the Peace and Security Council for Central Africa (COPAX), with its two technical structures, namely the Central African Multinational Force (FOMAC) and the Central African Early Warning Mechanism (MARAC). MARAC is tasked with collecting and analysing data for the early detection and prevention of conflicts and crises. It currently consists of the Central Structure located at the ECCAS Executive Secretariat in Libreville (Gabon) and 31 Decentralised Correspondents spread throughout the ten member states of ECCAS. This article assesses the performance of MARAC in the light of its assigned objectives. Bearing in mind the peace and security challenges facing the central African sub-region, the central argument of this article is that while the establishment of MARAC is commendable, it flowed more from the logic and context of the establishment of similar mechanisms on the African continent during the same period than from any displayed capacity and/or readiness on the part of ECCAS to implement the recommendations due to emanate from such a structure.     

A case study of gender and security sector reform in Zimbabwe

This article explores gender and security sector reform (SSR) in Zimbabwe from 2008 to the present. It firstly postulates that the purpose of gender-sensitive SSR is to transform security services so as to enhance human security, as opposed to having an exclusive focus on state and territorial security. A comprehensive analysis of the policy and legislative framework governing gender and SSR at the global, continental, sub-regional and national levels will be presented, followed by the argument that efforts to reform the partisan and oftentimes non-professional tendencies of the security sector – especially the Zimbabwe Defence Forces, Zimbabwe Republic Police, Central Intelligence Organisation and Zimbabwe Prison Services – to promote democracy have met with firm resistance. However, gender-sensitive SSR has made significant headway in Zimbabwe since it is considered less threatening by the government. It should be noted, nevertheless, that gender-sensitive SSR has the potential to shift levels of professionalism and accountability within the sector as well as change attitudes to enhance security at the personal and communal levels. The process can gradually increase the percentage of women serving in the security sector. In conclusion, recommendations are made to broaden and deepen gender-sensitive SSR as the only viable alternative in the current political environment in Zimbabwe.     

瑞吉欧教育在中国本土化的挑战与途径

瑞吉欧教育本土化的过程中我们要:深入学习瑞吉欧教育的儿童观与教育理念;教育的过程是教师和幼儿共同学习、共同探索、共同研究、共同创造的过程,教师应该以幼儿的引导者、支持者、合作者、帮助者的身份出现,并通过倾听、观察和记录来实现这一过程;学习瑞吉欧社区参与管理的模式,改善社区资源不合理利用的现状,并努力将低层次的家园合作逐步发展到高层次的家园合作。     

论当今国际维和行动发展和趋势

本文从当今国际维和行动现状出发,分析了国际维和行动的特点,剖析了国际维和行动面临的挑战问题,最后对国际维和行动的发展提出几点思考,并系统阐述了维和行动的相关问题。     

试论PBL教学法在少数民族预科汉语教学中的作用

PBL教学法是以问题为基础的教学模式。PBL教学法改变了传统的教学模式,把先进的教学理念引入了预科汉语教学课堂,不但能改变民族学生学习长期被动的处境,而且可以增强民族学生学习汉语的积极性与问题意识,与此同时也将会对目前预科汉语教学的环境、教师、学生提出挑战。     

The future challenges of NATO: An economic viewpoint

This article identifies and evaluates likely challenges facing NATO today and into the next millennium. These contingencies include ethnic‐based civil wars in Europe, transnational terrorism, rogue states, increased world income inequality, out‐of‐area conflicts, and environmental and resource security. Using concepts and tools from collective action, I assess these challenges and suggest effective policies for addressing them. NATO still has a crucial role to play in maintaining world security in the post‐Cold War era.     

PUBLIC ATTITUDES REGARDING UNDOCUMENTED MIGRATION AND POLICING/CRIME

The incessant bomb attacks by the Niger Delta militants and Boko Haram elements among other popular movements, against the people and government targets, have unmistakably put Nigeria on the global terrorist nations’ map. The grievances of these groups which are political, economic and religious may not be unconnected from the design and operation of the federation; this paper thus examines the constitutional provisions, and political and economic attributes, of the Nigerian federation in the Fourth Republic with a view to discovering why a mechanism put in place with the objective of achieving interethnic unity, democratic stability and socio-economic development has worked to enthrone crisis, violence and disintegrative tendencies in the country. This paper argues that the current reign of terror is a manifestation of a more serious de-linkage and inconsonance between the state and the people, with popular movements providing an alternative platform for spaces, voices and benefits from the streets and away from the state. The paper concludes that the hope for federal renewal lies in the ability of the current handlers of the Nigerian statecraft to marry decentralist constitutional reforms with an agenda for mass-based socio-economic development of the country.