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1.
在教学中运用建构学习理论,针对“基于经验的知识建构活动”进行有益尝试。在此理论背景下,教师最重要的任务是利用三个层次的建构性经验源为学生提供知识建构的良好条件,并探讨这一理念在教学中的具体应用及其效果。  相似文献   
2.
建构主义学习理论在强化大学生信仰教育方面有着重要的指导作用。夺文简要分析了夫掌生信仰教育存在的问题,探讨了建构主义学习理论对于强化大学生信仰教育的重要意义,并以建构主义卷习理论隽指导,从“以学生为中心”、“情景创设”、“协作学习”、“利用各种资源”四个方面提出了强化对策,以期提高大学生信仰教育水平,实现大学思想政治教育的功能。  相似文献   
3.
视听说教学的优化是提高大学生英语综合应用能力,特别是听说能力的关键。本文在论述体验式教学理论基础、原则及其优势的基础上,结合目前大学英语听说教学的现状,提出了一种体验式视听说教学模式,该模式由具体体验、观察模仿、探讨总结和实践运用四个阶段构成。文章介绍了应用该模式的具体实施方法和结果。实践证明,应用该模式能有效提高视听说教学质量。  相似文献   
4.
结合专业组织英语教学为外语教学改革注入新的活力。研究表明,“结合专业的听说写互动英语技能训练模式”吸收了双语教学元素,体现了以学生为中心的构建主义教育观,是提高大学生英语听、说、写方面技能的立体教学模式。  相似文献   
5.
建构主义理论强调认知主体的重要性,强调学生是认知过程的主体,是意义的主动建构者,教师在此过程中只起指导和促进作用。基于建构主义理论所实施的英语专业阅读课"零课时"模式发现,"零课时"模式能够有效地促进学生培养和提高自主学习的能力,但此模式下也暴露出师生定位不准确,学习过程监管不足等问题。  相似文献   
6.
The September 11 global crisis prompted by the attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon raises major questions concerning the nature and trajectory of terrorism in the post-Cold War global order. Hitherto, terrorism has been largely debated by analysts at the level of nation states. Terrorist and insurgent movements have also been largely anchored in nationalist and ethnic power bases even when they have sought to mobilise a transnational ideological appeal on religious or class grounds. There have been a few exceptions to this pattern such as the alliance between the German Baader-Meinhof group and the Japanese Red Army Faction, but even such international alliances as this did not, until at least the 1980s, presage anything like a global terrorist network necessitating a global strategic response. This study examines terrorism and global strategic responses.  相似文献   
7.
张伟年  蔡辉  范冰冰 《国防科技》2021,42(3):127-134
为了推进维和军事训练的创新发展,军队必须大力进行维和训练理念、模式、方法和手段的改革,有效提升维和官兵的实战能力。本文依据多模态理论、自主学习理论和建构主义学习理论的研究成果,根据网络环境实际提出构建以培训学习者岗位任职综合技能为目的、以强军网络学习环境为依托的基于浏览器/服务器(B/S)架构模式的军事维和多模态网络自主学习平台。该平台能够让学生自主选择学习内容、查看学习进度和效果反馈、访问优质数字资源、利用虚拟社区与教师和同学共同讨论学习内容、学习心得,并且通过智能化的推荐来合理制定适合自身认知结构的学习计划和方式。平台的建立为构建以学习能力、实践能力、创新能力培养为导向,与新型军事人才培养相适应的教学体系和教学模式提供了有益的探索。  相似文献   
8.
传统知识观将间接知识理解为人类现有的静态认识成果,从而造成了问接知识的绝对化,使间接知识不可避免地具有反建构性。要实现间接知识与个人认识建构的有机统一,就必须打破传统知识观对间接知识的成果化理解,把间接知识理解为人类认识的发展过程,使间接知识本身建构化。  相似文献   
9.
This article argues that the nuclear nonproliferation norm (NNPN) is a social fact with a relatively independent life of its own and that it has a powerful impact on the behavior of both nuclear-weapon states (NWS) and non-nuclear-weapon states (NNWS). It challenges the application of critical constructivist research on norms to the NNPN and the idea that its legitimacy and structural power depend on contestation “all the way down.” State and non-state actors play an important role in explaining the dynamics of the NNPN, but agential constructivism runs the danger of “throwing the baby out with the bath water,” neglecting the structural impact of the NNPN on state behavior. The article examines the limitations of norm-contestation theory, arguing that some norms are more resistant to contestation than others. The NNPN is more difficult to contest than new norms (such as the Responsibility to Protect) because it is rooted in fifty years of nonproliferation nuclear diplomacy. The US-India nuclear deal is not a case of “norm change” but a violation of the NNPN. The “core” of the NNPN has not changed since the US-India nuclear deal. The conflict confronting NWS and NNWS is about the implementation of “type 2” norms (organizing principles) and “type 3” norms (standardized procedures), and not about the “hard core” of the NNPN.  相似文献   
10.
Despite the burgeoning literature on Russia’s renewed power politics, little attention has been paid to the fact that US reactions towards Russia’s military interventions were all but coherent. The USA has chosen weak measures in Georgia in 2008 (shaming) compared to its assertive response in Ukraine in 2014 (sanctions, hard deterrence). This article assesses the explanatory power of neorealist, liberal and constructivist theories for the variation in US reactions towards Russian interventions in Georgia and Ukraine. Our argument is that the constructivist perspective explains the cases best as it highlights the power and communality of normative assessments. The Ukraine crisis was perceived by the USA as a violation of core international norms, especially the non-use of force and the principle of territorial integrity. Relevant international norm carriers shared this assessment of the conflict. In contrast, the perception of the Georgian war centred on the issue of democracy promotion. While democracy is an important aim of US foreign policy, it does not summon the same normative importance as general principles of international law. Furthermore, the perception of the Georgian war remained contested among Western allies, which decreased the communality of the normative assessment.  相似文献   
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