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兵团解放思想、抢抓机遇、跨越发展、再创辉煌大学习大讨论活动自今年8月中旬开展以来,各级、各部门按照兵团党委的部署,认识到位、领导有力、讲求实效、进展顺利,取得了初步成效。一是进一步深化了对中央新疆工作座谈会精神的学习理解,二是进一步解放了思想、开阔了眼界、更新了观念,三是进一步增强了抢抓机遇、乘势发展的意识,四是进一步增强了发展的信心,五是进一步理清了推进跨越式发展和长治久安的总体思路。 相似文献
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中国第一座30万千瓦压水堆核电站——秦山核电站,位于浙江省海盐县境内,于1991年12月15日建成发电,是我国和平利用核能的重要里程碑,被誉为“国之光荣”。15年的安全运行锻炼了队伍、培养了人才、积累了经验,为中国核电事业发展打下坚实基础。秦山核电公司经过多年发展,拥有了一支技术一流、经验丰富、安全意识不断提高、管理理念不断创新的队伍,在运行管理、检修、调试、培训、环境、应急等方面积累了丰富的经验和较强的技术支持能力,形成了包括核电站运营维护、技术支持、安全监督、人员培训、环境应急、后勤服务、文化保障等比较完整的核… 相似文献
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根据靶场飞行试验任务需求,对外测数据实时处理软件所用到的测元参数、关键数学模型、算法、装订参数等进行了分析,综合运用了数据检择、滤波与平滑等技术,避免了"台阶跳"、"死码"等野值干扰,形成了实用、可靠的外测数据实时处理方法。软件设计采用多进程、多线程体系结构,合理地分解了系统的功能,建立了一套实时、高效、可靠的软件程序框架,并在该程序框架下设计了各软件功能模块。 相似文献
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饮食保障社会化改革,精干了保障队伍,调整了后勤结构,规范了饮食保障行为,引进了竞争机制,提高了饮食保障水平,实现了军民兼容,带动了消费需求。饮食保障社会化改革效益的主要评价指标有军人炊管人员节约比例、职工节约比例、饮食保障经费占军费开支的减少比例、就餐人员满意率、生活水平达标率、人员工作效率和设施、设备利用率等。 相似文献
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空间武器系统效能分析研究 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
总结了进行空间武器效能评估研究的意义,给出了空间武器系统效能的概念,探讨了ADC法、指数法、层次分析法、模糊评判法、灰色层次评估法、SEA法、多指标综合评价法、系统动力学法、专家评定法等效能评估方法的优缺点及其适用范围.在详细分析了空间武器系统的构成之后,建立了空间武器系统效能的层次化分析模型,确定了空间武器系统的效能指标体系.最后根据空间武器系统的特点,提出了基于Agent的空间武器系统效能仿真分析框架. 相似文献
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随着卫星和无人机技术日趋成熟,使用卫星和无人机搭载成像设备执行战场侦察任务,及时获取敌方阵地图像信息,已成为各军事强国的重要侦察手段。以大口径舰炮远程对岸目标精确打击为背景,对无人机侦察图像的几何校正、卫星图片的地理坐标提取等技术进行分析,推导了相关的数学模型。通过相关的图像处理技术,结合联合侦察图像对岸上目标定位的主要误差源分析,提供了一种有效的联合侦察图像目标定位方法,并通过仿真数据显示了图像预处理技术在目标定位过程中对提高定位精度的作用。 相似文献
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Nicolas Groffman 《Defense & Security Analysis》2016,32(2):144-162
India and China both have powerful spy networks; completely different in their approaches to espionage; both effective against their perceived enemies. China focuses first on internal threats, on Taiwan and Hong Kong, and then the US and Japan. India’s defense policy focuses on Pakistan and internal terrorist threats, and then on China. In reality, however, when it comes to spying on each other, both China and India suffer from incompetence and apathy – which endangers both their own security and regional stability. This article looks at how they spy on each other, and asks why and how they need to improve. The narrative also touches upon some of the individuals who are waging the spy war, from India’s wily spymaster Ajit Doval down to junior Chinese agents such as Wang Qing and Pema Tsering. The two countries are not friends. They have the largest territorial dispute in the world on their hands, covering an area the size of North Korea, and they have large armies facing each other along 4000 kilometers of frontier. But they also lay claim to the world’s two oldest and richest civilizations, with a rich history of exchange, and now with a combined population of 2.6 billion people and more than a quarter of the world’s economic output. If they cooperated, they could solve many of the world’s problems; but if they lurch into conflict, the potential consequences are terrifying to contemplate. Unfortunately, despite their geographical closeness, they do not know much about each other. They have few cultural interchanges, little diplomacy, few trade missions. They do not watch each other’s films, read each other’s books or listen to each other’s music. Chinese tourists would rather fly to New Zealand for their holidays than cross the border to India, and Indian students would rather study in Europe than China. China and India are neighbors that barely talk to each other. Most significantly, they do not spy on each competently. For countries that do not interact socially, defensive understanding is important for security – but China prefers the glamor of facing up to its Pacific and other maritime rivals such as the US and Japan. India, for its part, does talk a great deal about the China threat, but its resources and expertise are wrapped up in controlling its security threat from Pakistan and the Islamic world. When China and India do try to spy on each other, it is often without the benefit of a long-term focus or understanding. India has some very skilled operatives within the Research and Analysis Wing, but few that specialize in China. China has an enormous pool of resources spread across several government departments, including the Ministry of Public Security, and also has extensive facilities and manpower in the Joint Staff Department of the Central Military Commission (the JSD) and the new Strategic Support Force (the SSF). However, China’s intelligence services generally behave as if India is not worth spying on. Given that the two countries do not have the cultural or political machinery in place to understand each other, espionage and intelligence gathering is vital to ensure that miscalculations do not take place. This has been apparent over the last few years in stand-offs in the Himalaya, as well as top-level suspicions on each side about a variety of subjects including terrorism, covert operations in Sri Lanka and Burma, and the two countries’ nuclear weapons programs. Both countries do occasionally make efforts in espionage against each other, especially during sensitive periods such as the mountain stand-offs of 2014 and 2013 and during policy developments in nuclear warfare. In this article the author looks at actual spying incidents between the two countries, their methodologies, their staff, their technical capabilities, and how the act of spying, which is usually viewed as intrinsically adversarial, can be a force for good. The article relies on interviews with actual participants in intelligence from both countries as well as extensive use of contemporary online sources, and secondary analysis by both military and academic experts from China, India and NATO countries. 相似文献
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Galen Roger Perras 《战略研究杂志》2013,36(3):505-528
In 1924, HMCS Thiepval provided logistical support to a British attempt to circumnavigate the world by air. But the ship had another secret mission. Concerned America and Japan were fortifying their north Pacific possessions in violation of the 1922 Washington Treaty, and fearing war might be inevitable, the Canadian navy sent the Thiepval to covertly spy upon American and Japanese facilities. No cheating was discovered, but in the longer run, Canadian concerns about hostilities in the north Pacific were ‘on the mark’ correct. 相似文献
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在现有的针对RSA等公钥密码的指令Cache计时攻击的研究基础上,提出了一套可行的针对DSA的指令Cache计时攻击方法,并对计时信息采集、识别、密钥恢复等环节进行了研究,给出了一种随机密钥恢复算法。搭建了攻击实验平台,利用编写的间谍程序对滑动窗口算法实现的DSA签名进行了实际攻击,验证了指令Cache计时攻击方法是可行、有效的. 相似文献
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《Arms and Armour》2013,10(2):149-162
Firth’s were the first of the Sheffield steel makers to enter the field armaments. Their involvement with Colt has been outlined in an article in the journal of the Colt Collectors Association in America and their activities as steelmakers to the small-arms industries has been covered in a previous issue of this Journal. This article gives a brief overview of their involvement as manufacturers in the field of heavy armaments, being the first to make all-steel guns and their evolving role in the use of steel for ordnance, culminating in the displacement of wrought iron by the adoption of steel for ordnance manufacture by the Royal Gun Factory in the 1880s. It also highlights their development of stainless steel in this context. 相似文献
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Tosin Akinjobi-Babatunde 《African Security Review》2015,24(4):438-444
This article details the history and philosophy behind major changes in police tradition and organisation in Nigeria in 1955. Women in the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), influenced by their background as enforcers of societal norms, developed a type of social-work-oriented policing. Using primary and secondary sources of historical information, this article discusses the origin of women in the NPF, the specialised role of women in police work, and the changes that have been effected in the roles and functions of women in policing in Nigeria. Situated within the conceptual frameworks of patriarchy and gender, this article argues that gender biases impeded the incorporation of women into the police and, when eventually introduced, gender limitations constrained their roles, operations and activities. 相似文献
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Walter Dorn 《Journal of Military Ethics》2017,16(3-4):272-285
Central to the mainstream Sikh identity is the concept of ethically-justified force, used as a last resort. There is no place for absolute pacifism in this conception of ethical living. Fighters and martyrs occupy an important place in the Khalsa narrative, and Sikhs are constantly reminded of the sacrifices and heroism of their co-religionists of the past. This article explores how the Sikh warrior identity is manifested in the contemporary world. It examines the Sikhs who, in the 1980s and 1990s, were involved on both sides of the Punjab crisis: those militants who fought for a Sikh homeland (“Khalistan”) and those Sikhs in the Indian army who suppressed the insurgency. The article also looks beyond the militants and soldiers to Sikhs employed in modern security-related professions, the broader issue of Sikh symbols relating to the use of force, and violence within the Sikh diaspora. An examination of the Sikhs in various parts of the world reveals additional uses and consequences of ideology, whether in enlistment in the armed forces of the states in which they live, or in the support of the militancy in India, particularly in the 1980s. The conclusion is that the modern Sikh warrior is a nuanced actor behaving in various ways, some overt and some subtle: the warrior is willing to physically fight those perceived to be tyrannous, but most initiatives have shifted to pursuing justice through non-violent means, such as legal struggles for civil rights. Although armed Sikh militancy against the Indian government is in the past, there are strong residual resentments still requiring redress. All of this is of great relevance to understanding the ethics of armed force within modern Sikhism. 相似文献